Brandi Kruse
Politics • Culture • News
From fugitive felon to homeowner – thanks to Washington taxpayers
The list of insiders who benefited from a taxpayer-funded program for people of color include a convicted pimp and a pastor with direct ties to the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle.
November 12, 2025
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In 2015, Bobby Tramble was a fugitive from justice.

His mugshot was featured on a local news program, Washington’s Most Wanted, after he failed to appear in court on charges of drug dealing and unlawful possession of a firearm. It was one of more than 50 criminal warrants issued for Tramble’s arrest, dating back decades.  

Starting in the 1980’s and lasting 30 years, Tramble racked up a lengthy criminal history – including convictions for promoting prostitution, multiple felony drug busts, and unlawful possession of a firearm.

Yet Tramble has seemingly been rewarded for his life of crime.

Earlier this year, he moved into a 3-bed, 2.5 bath home in Puyallup – thanks to $238,000 from taxpayers and the help of his employer, the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle, where he works as the homeless outreach supervisor.

He is just one of a growing list of people directly tied to the Seattle chapter of the Urban League who have benefited from the taxpayer-funded Community Reinvestment Program since the beginning of the year. Last month, unDivided published a whistleblower report detailing instances that ULMS had given funds to employees and their family members – while turning away other members of the black community. ULMS is one of several BIPOC nonprofits contracted with the state to the get the funds out to those who qualify in the form of downpayment assistance and even paying off personal debt.

Lack of transparency

In a statement following our original report, the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle promised community members “transparency and accountability.”

So far, it hasn’t delivered on either.

The organization has repeatedly declined to provide unDivided with a list of employees or family members who were given preference for Community Reinvestment funds, citing privacy concerns.

Such concerns are without merit.

Property records and documents detailing home purchases are publicly available – including deeds of trust, like the one pictured below, that list Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle and the terms of the Community Reinvestment award for each individual home buyer.

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But, without the cooperation of the Urban League, it is difficult to know which home buyers have ties to their organization. Creating a comprehensive list would require searching thousands of documents across dozens of counties and then cross-referencing the names of home buyers with public sources that could potentially tell us where they work and who they’re related to.

In lieu of transparency from the Urban League, unDivided has relied on tips, sources, and our original whistleblower – Corey Orvold – to connect the dots and slowly add to our existing list of names.

For example, Corey received a tip that a man named Joseph Manaway purchased a condo in Federal Way using Community Reinvestment funds from the Urban League. Manaway is a well-connected local preacher who also happens to list himself on LinkedIn as the Seattle Urban League’s Director of Fund Development.

$100,000 toward the purchase of a home is a nice job perk.

Like Bobby Tramble – and those featured in our first report – Manaway received Community Reinvestment funds after Urban League’s Director of Financial Empowerment, Angela Williams, claimed the downpayment assistance program was closed due to a lack of available funds – just days after her own daughter used the money to buy a house.

Asked repeatedly why funds were handed out to insiders after the nonprofit had allegedly closed applications to others, the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle has declined to comment.

In a statement posted to its social media pages, the organization accused unDivided of making “false and misleading claims," but has declined to elaborate.

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An issue of fairness

Bobby Tramble’s case highlights two issues with the Community Reinvestment Program – lax oversight in how it’s administered, and a question of fairness for who is gifted public dollars.

Tramble actually benefited from two programs, while others benefited from none. He received $100,000 through ULMS in CRP funds and $138,000 from the state through the newly-created Covenant Homeownership Program – a reparations program designed to help first-time homebuyers of color.

In our original report, we spoke with a mother whose son was denied Community Reinvestment Funds by the Urban League – even after going through all necessary steps.

“This is a young African American man who has never been in trouble, has always worked since he was 16. Sometimes two jobs,” she said. “He went to college, graduated from college. And this is what he was put through.”

Should someone like that be denied help purchasing a home, while someone with Tramble’s criminal background is given $238,000?

In a sense, perhaps Tramble is exactly the kind of person the fund was designed for. Democrats passed the Community Reinvestment Program into law in 2022, saying it was meant to “uplift communities disproportionately harmed by the war on drugs … to create lasting economic benefits, build wealth and ensure everyone has a fair chance at success.”

Was Tramble disproportionately harmed by the war on drugs? Or did he perpetuate it by selling his fellow community members the drugs that would so often land them behind bars?

Then, there is the more fundamental issue around fairness: gifting public dollars based on race.

The revised code of Washington specifically states that distribution of grants for the program “must be done in collaboration with ‘by and for community organizations’ as defined by the department of commerce and the office of equity. For the 2025-2027 fiscal biennium, ‘by and for community organizations’ include, but are not limited to, those operated by and for Black, Latino, Native American, Asian, Native Hawaiian, and Pacific Islander communities.”

In other words, whites need not apply.

From its inception, Republican lawmakers in Olympia have criticized the Community Reinvestment Program for picking winners and losers based on skin color.

“Recent information and allegations on the unfair allocation practices of the CRP funding is very concerning,” said Rep. Andrew Barkis (R-Olympia), who sits on the House Housing Committee. “When the people the program is designed for are passed over to provide the taxpayer funded resources to felons and others who benefit from who they know, the system is broken.”

Republicans were so concerned about potential abuses of the program and others like it, that they introduced two bills this past legislative session to try to prevent self-dealing.

House Bill 2058 would have required third-party audits of private entities receiving public funds. House Bill 2059 would have required public disclosures from private entities receiving public funds, including lists of employees, board members, and a full accounting of how funds were spent.

Democrats in the majority declined to move either bill forward.

Senate Minority Leader John Bruan (R-Centralia) has pledged to reintroduce them in 2026.

Disappointment within the black community

Following our original report, unDivided was inundated with emails from members of the black community, many of whom shared their frustration with a nonprofit they once trusted.

A former employee of the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle, who asked to speak on the condition of anonymity, said the report matched the type of “unethical” behavior she witnessed firsthand.

“I took a significant pay cut to work there because I believed in the mission," she said. "But it quickly became clear that what I’d joined wasn’t a community-driven nonprofit – it was a closed circle of insiders. The environment was abusive, hostile, cliquish, and deeply unethical.”

“This isn’t about liberal or conservative views. It’s about ethics, oversight, and protecting the communities these nonprofits claim to serve,” she added.

In her communication with us, she expressed concern that our reporting would be used to broadly tarnish all BIPOC nonprofits.

“I see folks in the comments almost excited to use this as a reason to discredit Black people or tear down Black organizations – making sweeping, ignorant statements like ‘all Black people get free houses’ or comparing this to BLM. That’s not what this is. This isn’t about Black people. This is about leadership failures and corruption inside one organization that happens to be Black-led. The Urban League was supposed to serve the Black community. What happened there shouldn’t be twisted into a reason to hate or distrust Black people or our institutions. It should be a reason to demand accountability from those who misuse the power they were given.”

But so far, it is unclear what accountability looks like.

While an investigator for the Attorney General’s Office reached out to whistleblower Corey Orvold, she has so far not heard from the Department of Commerce – the state agency tasked with overseeing Community Reinvestment funds and other state contracts.

The director of the Department of Commerce, Joe Nguyen, is a former state senator who helped craft and pass the Community Reinvestment Program.

In his current role, Nguyen said he has sought to improve oversight of state contracts, which includes a centralized contracts and compliance team.

“The public deserves accountability and transparency,” he told unDivided. “We appreciate that (the whistleblower) raised this issue. We are taking action.”

While an investigation runs its course, it is unclear whether Commerce has halted or otherwise added oversight to Community Reinvestment contracts. An email seeking an update was not immediately returned.

Meanwhile, at least one BIPOC nonprofit has taken action on its own.

Last week, the Tacoma Urban League placed its CEO on leave. The Tacoma Urban League is also contracted with the state to distribute CRP funds and concerns about how the organization has administered those funds surfaced in reporting by the Center Square following our initial story.

 The Tacoma Urban League made a statement on its website.

The Tacoma Urban League Board of Directors is aware of recent community discussion and speculation regarding the organization and its leadership. The Board takes any concern related to the integrity of our operations seriously. Consistent with our commitment to transparency and accountability, the Board has initiated a confidential, independent, legal third-party investigative review to ensure that all questions are addressed through the proper process. To protect the integrity of that review and respect all parties involved, we will not be commenting on specific details while it is underway.

As for the Urban League of Metropolitan Seattle, we don't know what – if any – action has been taken internally to address growing community concerns. An email seeking comment for this story was not returned.

As unDivided noted in our original reporting, we are evaluating other nonprofits who have received Community Reinvestment funds and will continue to report on our findings.

Help support our independent work by becoming a subscriber.

 

 

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We fight on – because what other choice is there?
They can try to destroy my reputation. It still won't put them on the right side of history.
 

This week, progressive political strategists launched an effort to undermine my support of citizen initiatives – arguing that my opinions are no longer protected by the First Amendment and should therefore be regulated by the state.

You read that correctly.

In a 24-page complaint to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission, an obscure organization that styles itself as Washingtonians for Ethical Government called for an immediate investigation into my public support of two voter initiatives that will appear on the ballot in November – one to protect girls' sports, the other to restore parental rights.

Kruse is possibly the most prolific of political content creators in Washington, and her promotions of Let’s Go Washington’s initiatives do not qualify as editorial content. Kruse is not an impartial journalist or just an opinionated member of the public; she is a commercial advertiser with multiple advertisers. Although Kruse was once employed as a reporter by bonafide news outlets, she is no longer commonly considered as a journalist in Washington State and was recently denied press credentials by the Washington State Capitol Correspondents Association, a decision that was upheld by both state and federal courts.

Their argument goes something like this:

  • I host a podcast.

  • My podcast sells spots to advertisers.

  • I endorse products for said advertisers.

  • Therefore, my endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, my political endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, any political endorsements I make must be reported to the Public Disclosure Commission as “in-kind” donations.

There are several factual inaccuracies with the complaint, like the assertion that state and federal courts have determined I’m not a journalist. That is false. While a federal judge declined an emergency motion to have my press pass reinstated in the final days of the 2026 legislative session, our case is ongoing and only in the early stages. I am confident we will prevail.

There are also several legal issues with the complaint, not the least of which is a pesky little thing called the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

But don’t be fooled – the goal of the complaint isn’t for it to stick. The goal is to harm my reputation in the court of public opinion.

Still, for the sake of posterity, it’s worth noting a few things:

The government cannot assign a numerical value to my political speech. Such an act would be extraordinary and without precedent in the history of the United States.

I have never received anything of monetary value to support or oppose any political candidate, initiative, or issue. Quite the contrary. I have given untold hours, made personal donations, and driven tens of thousands of miles around the state to lend my voice to issues and people I believe in.

I have the right to charge advertisers for endorsements, or to provide endorsements free of charge if I wish. And I have. In the years following the pandemic, I featured local small businesses on my show free of charge – and gave them attention on social media, urging followers to support businesses that were struggling to recover from government-imposed lockdowns. I also did this in 2020 while still employed as a news reporter at FOX 13 in Seattle, running a weekly segment on my political show called “Small Business Sunday.”

Providing paid endorsements of products is a common practice in broadcasting and has been for decades. Many of our current advertisers were once endorsed on the radio by the late Dori Monson. Several local radio hosts who endorse products on air have also made public statements about their support of current voter initiatives. Ari Hoffman of KVI and John Curley of KIRO Radio not only endorse products but have stood alongside me in support of girls and parents.

If the Public Disclosure Commission were to rule that my speech must be regulated, it would also have to start regulating the speech of dozens of mainstream radio hosts – and perhaps even the Editorial Board of the Seattle Times.

Beyond that, this issue is settled law in Washington.

The Washington State Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that endorsements from talk show hosts do not constitute in-kind contributions.

At the time, radio hosts John Carlson and Kirby Wilbur were organizing and promoting Initiative 912, aimed at stopping an incremental increase in the gas tax.

'The mere fact that a broadcast has value to a campaign, or includes solicitation of funds, votes, or other support, does not convert commentary into advertising when it occurs during the content portion of a broadcast for which payment is not normally required,' Justice Barbara Madsen wrote for the court.

But again, the point of the complaint is not to upend existing law or get the government to throw the First Amendment to the wind.

The progressive political strategists behind the stunt, Powerhouse Strategic, is the firm used by opponents of the Let’s Go Washington initiatives.

Few news outlets that covered Tuesday’s press release saw fit to mention this connection. Why? It’s not as if it’s a secret. Kristin Hyde, a communications specialist with Powerhouse Strategic, sent the release out with her name and contact information on it.

Powerhouse not only brought previous PDC complaints against Let’s Go Washington, but it also represents the Washington State Democratic Party, as well as two of the largest unions bankrolling the anti-initiative campaigns: SEIU and the Washington Education Association.

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Still, The Seattle Times characterized Washingtonians for Ethical Government (WFEG) only as a “campaign finance watchdog.”

Even if it were a legitimate watchdog group and not a cover for deeply partisan operatives, in the past 10 years it’s only ever questioned the “ethics” of conservatives.

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In case there was any doubt, I fully intend to continue my work fighting for what I truly believe is the women’s rights issue of our generation: the erasure of girls at the hands of ideologues.

After all, I was fighting this issue long before Let’s Go Washington decided to run initiatives to change state law. In fact, it was through episodes of unDivided that LGW met two of the teen athletes – Ahnaleigh Wilson and Frances Staudt – who would go on to become important voices in the campaign to protect female athletes. I like to think our coverage of the issue is a big reason why voters will get a say in November. I am very proud of that.

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Me with Frances Staudt (left) and Ahnaleigh Wilson (right) at a signature gathering event in Issaquah, Washington.

I will also keep fighting for parental rights, as I was before LGW started collecting signatures for a parental bill of rights. My advocacy on this issue goes back to 2023, when I helped a rag-tag group of citizens collect signatures to try to run a referendum on Senate Bill 5599. The law allows children to be hidden from parents if they don’t think their family approves of their gender identity. I was protested, threatened, and called a transphobe. All the usual stuff. The referendum fell short, but my motivation to help parents keep their families together only grew.

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Protesters greet us outside a coffee shop in Lacey, Washington, where we were collecting signatures to repeal SB 5599.

As I said on my show this week: They can try to bankrupt my business. They can try to destroy my reputation. They can even try to kill me. None of it puts them on the right side of history.

So, we fight on. What other choice is there?

 

 

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Guest: How to investigate fraud when the media and politicians won't
How a citizen with an art degree uncovered more about potential childcare fraud than the legacy news

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

On the morning of December 28, I settled in with a cup of coffee to catch up on the latest Minnesota fraud news. I’d heard rumblings of the scandal for weeks after County Highway and City Journal published pieces describing the schemes in startling detail.

Earlier that week, independent journalist Nick Shirley released a viral video investigating Minneapolis daycare centers, focusing on several owned and operated by members of the Somali community. His videos weren’t definitive proof of fraud, but like many Americans I was left with questions that were too big to ignore.

So, what was I going to do about it?

I’ve always had a knack for pattern recognition and making sense of data. I fully admit I’m not professionally trained in this capacity. I have an art degree. I’m just a concerned citizen who wanted to take a closer look at how our tax dollars are being spent.

Here’s how I went about uncovering suspicious activity that was later highlighted by Elon Musk, viewed by millions of people, and led to on-the-ground investigations by independent journalists (and even some legacy news stations in Seattle). 

It started with a simple search

My initial efforts were not sophisticated. I simply typed ‘childcare wa’ into a search engine. I never anticipated that such a basic exercise in sleuthing would spark the local and national attention that it did.

I landed on the state website for the Department of Children, Youth, and Families (DCYF). Among other things, the site serves as a tool for families to find childcare options. It lists every provider in the state, with information on the owner, address, capacity, inspection history, and language.

I toggled the filter to show daycares participating in the Early Achievers rating program, which is a requirement for receiving state funding. From there, I filtered results to show only the daycare operators listed as speaking Somali.

Is it racist to single out one ethnicity?

The Minnesota fraud scandal had already established a clear pattern of fraud within the Somali community, resulting in multiple prosecutions and guilty pleas.

It’s not racist to explore whether similar patterns might exist in other states, too.

Consider this excerpt from Armin Rosen’s County Highway piece:

If one chooses to inhabit a fact-based world, it is impossible to ignore that the most thoroughly proven frauds, the ones that have dollar amounts and dozens of federal prosecutions attached to them, involve the distribution of social services through organizations serving Somali-Americans.

In a City Journal article, Christopher Rufo highlighted a whistleblower who reported that the Minneapolis Somali fraud ring may have a potential link to Seattle.

According to Glenn Kerns, a retired Seattle Police Department detective who spent 14 years on a federal Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF), the Somalis ran a sophisticated money network, spanning from Seattle to Minneapolis, and were routing significant amounts of cash on commercial flights from the Seattle airport to the hawala networks in Somalia. One of these networks, Kerns discovered, sent $20 million abroad in a single year. 'The amount of money was staggering,' Kerns said.

Ignoring evidence and patterns over concerns about being called racist is how fraud goes unreported and uncovered.

In my initial search of Somali-run daycares in Washington state, I found that of 5,046 total Early Achievers childcare providers, 539 were Somali speaking. That’s more than 10%. Census reports estimate less than .2% of Washington state’s population is of Somali descent.

That seemed oddly disproportionate, so I posted a scrolling video on X to show what I found.

Hours later, I casually checked my notifications while at the grocery store and saw that Elon Musk replied! Millions of people were suddenly interested in what I’d uncovered with a simple search of publicly available data.

 

Day 1: Investigating on the ground

The day after my X post went viral, independent journalist Jonathan Choe pulled up to my house. We spent the next four hours driving all over town investigating daycares in person. I’d never done anything like it.

While state leaders, including Washington’s Attorney General and several Democrats in the legislature, would later accuse us of harassing daycare owners, we did no such thing. We were friendly. We knocked on doors. We politely asked for an application to enroll a child. Many of the people who came to the door were friendly in return.

At the first daycare, a woman invited us inside for a tour. There were activity tables with child-sized chairs, nap mats neatly stacked, art on the walls, age-appropriate books arranged on a shelf.

While everything looked legitimate, the woman would not give us an application, and I noted that only one child was present at the time.

As we ventured to other locations, we encountered some obvious red flags. Windows fully covered, no signage, and very few outdoor play areas. Most of the people who answered the door told us the owner was not there. They asked us to come back another time. Most significantly, we rarely saw or heard any kids.

At the last spot a woman spoke to us through a doorbell camera.

“We don’t have childcare,” she said.

The windows were fully covered.

 

Day 2: Trouble with the police

On our second day visiting Somali-run daycares listed on the state website, we met up with local journalist Carleen Johnson of The Center Square.

At one site, a woman spoke to us from behind a closed door. She wasn’t willing to give us an application. We asked a few more brief questions, thanked her, and started walking away. Shortly after, two women came out of the house to scold us.

Someone had called the police.

A responding officer assured us that we were not trespassing or doing anything wrong. The women allowed him to look inside the home, and he confirmed that there were kids inside.

The hostility was surprising. By then, a local KOMO News reporter was doing similar work – knocking on doors and asking questions. Basic shoe-leather journalism. Not harassment. Not racism.

We continued throughout the city. Some of the places we visited looked like real daycares, but many did not.

We detailed our findings on social media.

 

Day 3: Where has all the money gone?

We began looking deeper into the publicly available spending data on the Washington State Fiscal Information website. This site, also known as Open Checkbook, discloses provider payments by month and fiscal year. Our third day was focused on visits to providers that received significant amounts of funding.

Another independent journalist, Cam Higby, was with us as well.

Many of these small home daycares were receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in taxpayer funds each year – some got more than a million. Keep in mind that most of these daycares have a maximum capacity of 12 children.

At one address we visited, a man spoke to us from a porch camera. He told us it was not a daycare.

Another alleged daycare was listed at the address of a small, run-down house. The windows were covered. We didn’t see or hear any children. Besides a tattered basketball hoop sitting in a mud puddle at the edge of the property, there was no play equipment. The woman who answered the door was friendly but declined to provide us with any information or an application.

Our team asked two neighbors if they had seen kids at the house and if they were aware it was registered as a daycare.

Both neighbors said no.

Yet, according to state data, the childcare provider listed at that address receives six-figure monthly payments, bringing in over $160,000 in July alone.

As I expanded my research, I checked out the state’s most recent audit. The Washington State Auditor’s Office reviews federal funding annually. Findings are published in a formal report, with highlights summarized on the auditor’s website. The 2024 fiscal year audit exposed significant concerns, including a whopping $416 million dollars in “unauditable” DCYF spending.

The audit revealed that DCYF repeatedly failed to comply with reporting requirements and had more audit “findings” than any other agency.

Despite being given corrective actions to take, similar findings have plagued DCYF for years.

“For the fourth year in a row, we are questioning all childcare payments from the Child Care and Development Fund at the Department of Children, Youth, and Families,” the Auditor’s Office stated.

Read that again. The auditor’s office has questioned ALL federal childcare payments to DCYF for the past four years. Hundreds of millions of dollars in questionable payments.

How is such a blatant failure to follow reporting requirements or enact corrective action even allowed?

I posted a thread summarizing the audit findings on X. Before long, other news outlets and political figures were amplifying what I found.

The strange thing is that the audit findings were never private or hard to uncover. They were right there on a government website for all to see, for years. Why did it take a citizen with an art degree in Washington state to shed light on them?

Knowledge is power, but what comes next?

I want to be clear that I am not alleging fraud at any of these daycares. I do not have the tools or authority to do so. But we, as citizens, do have the tools to spot concerning patterns and question government oversight of our money.

Thanks to social media, we can amplify our concerns so that officials who do have the tools and authority to investigate can be pressured to do so.

State officials have seemingly ignored these red flags for years. Our questions and concerns are fair. We are not racists for recognizing patterns and asking questions.

Our elected officials owe us transparency – and if the media won’t demand it, we should.

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

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