Brandi Kruse
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unDivided with Brandi Kruse is political coverage for people with common sense.
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Seattle’s push-back media is nearly depleted

Allow me to start with a story about the worst mistake I ever made as a journalist. A mistake that made me an enduring target of Seattle’s alt Left.

It was 2018 and Seattle was in the middle of a nationwide search for its next police chief. The Black Lives Matter movement was in full swing and the police department was in its sixth year of federally mandated reforms.

Mayor Jenny Durkan, a former United States Attorney, was tasked with finding a chief who could win over the community, as well as the agency’s beleaguered rank-and-file.

Having covered City Hall for eight years by that point, it seemed obvious that Interim Police Chief Carmen Best would get the job – how could she not? A black woman who was more than qualified and already beloved by officers.

But this is Seattle after all, where the obvious choice is rarely the path of those in power.

On May 25, 2018, a search committee tasked with selecting three candidates for Mayor Durkan to choose from scheduled a press conference to announce the finalists. I wasn’t scheduled to work that day but wasn’t about to miss such an important story. I went to the press conference on my own time.

What happened next would become a controversial moment – not just for the city, but for me personally.

Carmen Best didn’t make the cut.

The room was in shock (and so was Best, who later wrote a book that detailed the moment).

At the press conference that day were supporters of Best – prominent community members who made their displeasure known.

“Jesus take the wheel,” I heard one of them say. “We’re going to burn this motherfucker down.”

I whipped around in my chair and saw Reverend Harriett Walden, considered by many to be a respected voice on criminal justice issues. I couldn’t believe it! Reverend Walden! She must be pissed!

I grabbed my phone and sent out a tweet that quoted Reverend Walden as saying, “we’re going to burn this motherfucker down.” To me, the statement demonstrated the outrage some community members felt over Best’s exclusion.

Except – and this is a big “except” – Reverend Walden wasn’t the one who said it.

Walden vehemently denied that those words came out of her mouth. She was mortified by the accusation.

I thought I was being gaslit. Surely I heard what I heard!

For at least a day I stood by my reporting, despite calls for me to lose my job and worse. I was called racist more times than I can count. Nikkita Oliver, a former mayoral candidate and activist, led the mob (the tactics were so vicious and personal that three years later I recused myself from covering Oliver’s campaign for city council. How could I cover a candidate who thought I was a racist?).

A couple days later, a staffer with the Community Police Commission, who was sitting next to Walden during the press conference, sent me an email that changed everything. She had said those words – not Walden.

I was sick. So sick in fact that I threw up.

I called my news director, who’d already been bombarded with calls and emails to fire me. I told her that we needed to issue a retraction, which we did. Then I got on the phone and called Reverend Walden to apologize. She was gracious – more gracious than I deserved. I felt horrible and despite my best efforts to be professional I couldn’t hold back the tears. I cried and cried and cried and, in that moment, Walden treated me like a daughter, not the reporter who’d just spent two days spreading misinformation about her.

I was grateful for her kindness.

But despite Walden sending out a public statement offering her forgiveness, the attacks only intensified. The mob tasted blood and wouldn’t be satisfied until they got a pound of flesh.

FOX 13 was flooded with calls and emails. Some even demanded I be charged criminally (with what, I don’t know) or pay Walden reparations.

Luckily for me I had an exceptional news director – Erica Hill. She knew my character and knew I made the mistake in good faith. She even offered to give me a few days off to regroup and said she’d personally respond to any nasty emails. Bosses like her are rare, I’ve come to realize.

The Walden tweet launched me into a period of intense and often unhinged scrutiny. I became a favorite target of the city’s alt-Left – even more so when I started hosting a political show in the summer of 2019. At the time, I was given carte blanche to speak forcefully about failures of the city’s progressive leadership.

I was labeled anti-homeless, despite my father’s ultimately fatal battle with addiction and homelessness. The Twitter mob accused me of hating poor people, despite my own struggles with poverty. I was called right-wing, despite my obvious moderate tendencies and outspoken distaste for former President Donald Trump. I was physically attacked at protests and rarely felt safe in the field.

While it was difficult and often got to me more than I let on, I didn’t let it alter my voice. I cared too much about the challenges facing the city and had no intention of letting my foot off the gas.

But when I chose to leave FOX 13 in November to launch the [un]Divided Podcast, much of the hate once focused on me migrated.

At KOMO News, reporter Jonathan Choe became a new favorite target of both the virtual mob and the real-life mob. While he’d been on their radar for a while, things intensified in recent months. He was harassed and even assaulted at protests. He was deemed anti-homeless for his persistent coverage of Seattle’s worsening crisis on the streets.

But his coverage was making a difference. On more than one occasion, homeless camps he featured would be cleared by the city in a matter of days. In a February 2 episode of [un]Divided, I praised Choe’s bravery in the face of constant pushback. After all, I knew better than most what he was going through.

“Despite the threats that he gets, despite the harassment that he gets, he’s out there doing his job,” I said.

I knew how critical the work he was doing was – and how rare. Seattle has too few reporters brave enough to expose the homeless crisis for what it is: a moral failure and a public safety nightmare.

And now the city has one less.

Choe was forced out of his job at KOMO News this week after posting a video montage of a Proud Boys rally in Olympia. The video looked like a promo for the alt Right. I messaged Choe privately to express my confusion over it.

It was no surprise that within hours of Choe posting the video, which has since been deleted, the Twitter-mob was in full swing.

Brett Hamil, a comedian and Socialist who dabbles in political cartoons, urged followers to give Choe the same treatment they’d spent years giving to me.

“Jonathan Choe has so many eyes on him right now,” he tweeted. “It took years for Brandi Kruse to (rightfully) receive this level of scrutiny, and then she had to bug out and do a vanity crowdfund podcast. Keep it up.”

(Never mind that my decision to leave FOX 13 had nothing to do with social media outrage and that Hamil himself uses Patreon to “crowdfund” his political cartoons).

Twitter users posted KOMO’s phone number and email addresses for management. KOMO staffers anonymously leaked their displeasure to local bloggers. It took less than two days for KOMO to relent. KOMO News Director Philip Bruce wrote me in an email:

“KOMO did not direct or approve Jonathan Choe’s decision to cover this weekend’s rally, nor did his work meet our editorial standards. We have decided to end our employment relationship with him effective today. We cannot comment further on personnel issues.”

But if KOMO thought that would quiet the mob, they were of course wrong. Because the mob is never satiated.

“Have you seen Choe’s other content that somehow wasn’t abhorrent enough for them to fire him?” one Twitter user lamented.

“They like the implicit stuff that they can pretend isn’t too bad. The stuff that embarrasses them and gives away the game they don’t like,” wrote another.

Let me state a few things clearly: First, Choe’s coverage of the Proud Boys rally was worthy of criticism. Second, I don’t put too much weight on KOMO’s decision to part ways with him, considering he had an upcoming out in his contract and was actively trying to leave the station anyway.

But whether he already had a foot out the door doesn’t change one simple truth: Seattle’s media landscape is not better off without him.

Seattle’s deepening crises are as much the media’s fault as the politicians. A healthy society requires competent leaders and competent leaders require a robust free press holding them accountable.

There can be no doubt that Choe was holding them accountable, even in the face of unrelenting harassment and hate from outside and, as it turns out, inside his own building.

Like I mentioned, KOMO staffers expressed their displeasure with Choe’s coverage by leaking anonymously to alt-Left bloggers. This, more than any aspect of his departure, has me worried about what’s left of the Seattle media.

As controversial as my commentaries were at times, I was always proud of the dialogue I could have about them with my former colleagues. It was not a rare event to have one of my coworkers ask me about something I said. When I would tweet something controversial, our digital manager Tyler Slauson would come over to my desk. “Beeeeeeeee-kayyyyyyyyyy” he would say in a playful but disapproving tone. One of our exceptional producers, Bhavisha Patel, always read my commentaries before I taped them. I valued her opinion because I knew we agreed on so little. It was her task to make sure my logic was sound, even if she didn’t agree with the overall message. And things went the other way, too. During the pandemic I’d send out messages about our coverage of certain things. Like reminders not to tell people to get the vaccine. That isn’t our job, I’d argue. Ours was a newsroom, at least at the time, that understood we could be most effective by embracing diversity of thought while still holding each other accountable to shared standards.

When I decided to leave FOX 13, there is one comment that still stands out to me.

Jesse Jones, famous for his consumer advocacy segment Get Jesse, wrote on Twitter: “I don’t always agree with you, but damn, you say something. And that’s what’s truly missing in our market. Unique voices are important and they are leaving fast.”

His words put a finger on what I’d been feeling for so long – and what I’d been increasingly disappointed with.

Some of the most hurtful attacks I’ve received came from fellow members of the media. At first, I thought they simply looked down on me because I had a platform to share my opinion. But that wasn’t it. After all, there are plenty of opinion writers in the city. They don’t get attacked with the vigor that I do.

No, it’s because my opinions don’t align with the prevailing worldview. Right, or perceived Right, is wrong in Seattle. And the mainstream media operates the same way.

There are countless examples of this.

Like when reporters were accosted by a right-wing lunatic at what started as an anti-lockdown protest outside the state Capitol. Every major news outlet covered it with the disgust that it deserved, as did I.

But when my news crew was attacked and had to seek refuge in a fire station during the Capitol Hill Occupied Protest? The local media couldn’t care less. They were too busy framing the protest as a peaceful gathering inflamed only by the actions of police. One city council member even argued that my security guards were to blame for escalating things with their mere presence. Did other media outlets challenge that narrative? Of course not. Ask yourself this and try to answer honestly: If a reporter were treated in such a manner at a right-wing rally and Republican politicians blamed the reporter for their own attack, would the media have stayed silent?

The answer is a resounding no. And that tells you all you need to know.

Jonathan Choe’s coverage of the Proud Boys rally fell short of journalistic standards, but many in the Seattle media have fallen short of those standards at nearly every major protest or riot for the past five years. They have downplayed and made excuses for reckless and criminal behavior in a way that would never be tolerated if those same actions were carried out by the Right.

The double standard is alarming.

Stack Choe’s favorable coverage of the Right next to 50 other reporters who’ve offered nothing but favorable coverage of the Left. Yet Choe is the only one labeled a villain and a hack.

In my book, obsequence to the Right and obsequence to the Left are two pages out of the same chapter. Neither are particularly good journalistic qualities, but in Seattle it can be argued that coddling the Left is more damaging considering the Left is in power (you know, power? The thing journalists are supposed to challenge?).

Like me, Choe’s place may not be in the current mainstream media environment. And that’s fine. The mob will simply move onto someone else, and then someone else, and then someone else. Before long, Seattle’s establishment media will run out of journalists who are willing to push back against the prevailing narrative.

That should scare the hell out of all of us.

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REMARKS: 'A fundamentally different approach to government'

These remarks were delivered to the Snohomish County Lincoln Day Dinner on May 17, 2024.

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'The Final Battle': Remarks to the Whatcom County Republican Party

The following remarks were delivered to the Whatcom County Lincoln Day Dinner on March 23, 2024, in Ferndale, Washington.

I struggled with what to talk to you about tonight. 

Well, that’s not true. I didn't struggle with what to talk to you about – I struggled with whether I was brave enough to say what I wanted to say. 

When I'm invited to speak to groups, I don't want to offend anyone or be too controversial. So, I reached out to a few of your fellow party members to ask whether any topics were off limits or wouldn't go over well with the crowd. 

I got some good advice. 

Then I decided to ignore that good advice entirely.

Too much is at stake to be polite. 

As we sit here tonight, we are in the final battle of a war. 

A war that has pit sanity against insanity. 

Pragmatism against idealism. 

A war that has sacrificed the public good, in favor of a twisted idea of progress.

It's a war that began long before I moved here 15 years ago. It started silently and it was mostly waged in the shadows.

Most of us didn't even realize that a war was being fought. We were too caught up in our own lives and our own problems. ...

'The Final Battle': Remarks to the Whatcom County Republican Party
INTERVIEW: Congressman Dan Newhouse

During a visit to Eastern Washington, Brandi sat down with Congressman Dan Newhouse (R-WA04) to discuss the fentanyl crisis, fuel costs, border security, Chinese land acquisition, and how he was able to survive his vote to impeach Donald Trump.

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We fight on – because what other choice is there?
They can try to destroy my reputation. It still won't put them on the right side of history.
 

This week, progressive political strategists launched an effort to undermine my support of citizen initiatives – arguing that my opinions are no longer protected by the First Amendment and should therefore be regulated by the state.

You read that correctly.

In a 24-page complaint to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission, an obscure organization that styles itself as Washingtonians for Ethical Government called for an immediate investigation into my public support of two voter initiatives that will appear on the ballot in November – one to protect girls' sports, the other to restore parental rights.

Kruse is possibly the most prolific of political content creators in Washington, and her promotions of Let’s Go Washington’s initiatives do not qualify as editorial content. Kruse is not an impartial journalist or just an opinionated member of the public; she is a commercial advertiser with multiple advertisers. Although Kruse was once employed as a reporter by bonafide news outlets, she is no longer commonly considered as a journalist in Washington State and was recently denied press credentials by the Washington State Capitol Correspondents Association, a decision that was upheld by both state and federal courts.

Their argument goes something like this:

  • I host a podcast.

  • My podcast sells spots to advertisers.

  • I endorse products for said advertisers.

  • Therefore, my endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, my political endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, any political endorsements I make must be reported to the Public Disclosure Commission as “in-kind” donations.

There are several factual inaccuracies with the complaint, like the assertion that state and federal courts have determined I’m not a journalist. That is false. While a federal judge declined an emergency motion to have my press pass reinstated in the final days of the 2026 legislative session, our case is ongoing and only in the early stages. I am confident we will prevail.

There are also several legal issues with the complaint, not the least of which is a pesky little thing called the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

But don’t be fooled – the goal of the complaint isn’t for it to stick. The goal is to harm my reputation in the court of public opinion.

Still, for the sake of posterity, it’s worth noting a few things:

The government cannot assign a numerical value to my political speech. Such an act would be extraordinary and without precedent in the history of the United States.

I have never received anything of monetary value to support or oppose any political candidate, initiative, or issue. Quite the contrary. I have given untold hours, made personal donations, and driven tens of thousands of miles around the state to lend my voice to issues and people I believe in.

I have the right to charge advertisers for endorsements, or to provide endorsements free of charge if I wish. And I have. In the years following the pandemic, I featured local small businesses on my show free of charge – and gave them attention on social media, urging followers to support businesses that were struggling to recover from government-imposed lockdowns. I also did this in 2020 while still employed as a news reporter at FOX 13 in Seattle, running a weekly segment on my political show called “Small Business Sunday.”

Providing paid endorsements of products is a common practice in broadcasting and has been for decades. Many of our current advertisers were once endorsed on the radio by the late Dori Monson. Several local radio hosts who endorse products on air have also made public statements about their support of current voter initiatives. Ari Hoffman of KVI and John Curley of KIRO Radio not only endorse products but have stood alongside me in support of girls and parents.

If the Public Disclosure Commission were to rule that my speech must be regulated, it would also have to start regulating the speech of dozens of mainstream radio hosts – and perhaps even the Editorial Board of the Seattle Times.

Beyond that, this issue is settled law in Washington.

The Washington State Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that endorsements from talk show hosts do not constitute in-kind contributions.

At the time, radio hosts John Carlson and Kirby Wilbur were organizing and promoting Initiative 912, aimed at stopping an incremental increase in the gas tax.

'The mere fact that a broadcast has value to a campaign, or includes solicitation of funds, votes, or other support, does not convert commentary into advertising when it occurs during the content portion of a broadcast for which payment is not normally required,' Justice Barbara Madsen wrote for the court.

But again, the point of the complaint is not to upend existing law or get the government to throw the First Amendment to the wind.

The progressive political strategists behind the stunt, Powerhouse Strategic, is the firm used by opponents of the Let’s Go Washington initiatives.

Few news outlets that covered Tuesday’s press release saw fit to mention this connection. Why? It’s not as if it’s a secret. Kristin Hyde, a communications specialist with Powerhouse Strategic, sent the release out with her name and contact information on it.

Powerhouse not only brought previous PDC complaints against Let’s Go Washington, but it also represents the Washington State Democratic Party, as well as two of the largest unions bankrolling the anti-initiative campaigns: SEIU and the Washington Education Association.

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Still, The Seattle Times characterized Washingtonians for Ethical Government (WFEG) only as a “campaign finance watchdog.”

Even if it were a legitimate watchdog group and not a cover for deeply partisan operatives, in the past 10 years it’s only ever questioned the “ethics” of conservatives.

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In case there was any doubt, I fully intend to continue my work fighting for what I truly believe is the women’s rights issue of our generation: the erasure of girls at the hands of ideologues.

After all, I was fighting this issue long before Let’s Go Washington decided to run initiatives to change state law. In fact, it was through episodes of unDivided that LGW met two of the teen athletes – Ahnaleigh Wilson and Frances Staudt – who would go on to become important voices in the campaign to protect female athletes. I like to think our coverage of the issue is a big reason why voters will get a say in November. I am very proud of that.

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Me with Frances Staudt (left) and Ahnaleigh Wilson (right) at a signature gathering event in Issaquah, Washington.

I will also keep fighting for parental rights, as I was before LGW started collecting signatures for a parental bill of rights. My advocacy on this issue goes back to 2023, when I helped a rag-tag group of citizens collect signatures to try to run a referendum on Senate Bill 5599. The law allows children to be hidden from parents if they don’t think their family approves of their gender identity. I was protested, threatened, and called a transphobe. All the usual stuff. The referendum fell short, but my motivation to help parents keep their families together only grew.

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Protesters greet us outside a coffee shop in Lacey, Washington, where we were collecting signatures to repeal SB 5599.

As I said on my show this week: They can try to bankrupt my business. They can try to destroy my reputation. They can even try to kill me. None of it puts them on the right side of history.

So, we fight on. What other choice is there?

 

 

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The Constitution Wars start NOW!
In response to Governor Bob Ferguson auctioning off a signed copy of the Constitution (blasphemy), we're auctioning off our own to the highest bidder! The winner will get a personalized inscription from Brandi, and she will hand deliver it (within 150 miles). All proceeds from the winning bid will go to We Heart Seattle, as selected by unDivided subscribers. Donations are tax deductible. Place your bid here.

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Guest: How to investigate fraud when the media and politicians won't
How a citizen with an art degree uncovered more about potential childcare fraud than the legacy news

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

On the morning of December 28, I settled in with a cup of coffee to catch up on the latest Minnesota fraud news. I’d heard rumblings of the scandal for weeks after County Highway and City Journal published pieces describing the schemes in startling detail.

Earlier that week, independent journalist Nick Shirley released a viral video investigating Minneapolis daycare centers, focusing on several owned and operated by members of the Somali community. His videos weren’t definitive proof of fraud, but like many Americans I was left with questions that were too big to ignore.

So, what was I going to do about it?

I’ve always had a knack for pattern recognition and making sense of data. I fully admit I’m not professionally trained in this capacity. I have an art degree. I’m just a concerned citizen who wanted to take a closer look at how our tax dollars are being spent.

Here’s how I went about uncovering suspicious activity that was later highlighted by Elon Musk, viewed by millions of people, and led to on-the-ground investigations by independent journalists (and even some legacy news stations in Seattle). 

It started with a simple search

My initial efforts were not sophisticated. I simply typed ‘childcare wa’ into a search engine. I never anticipated that such a basic exercise in sleuthing would spark the local and national attention that it did.

I landed on the state website for the Department of Children, Youth, and Families (DCYF). Among other things, the site serves as a tool for families to find childcare options. It lists every provider in the state, with information on the owner, address, capacity, inspection history, and language.

I toggled the filter to show daycares participating in the Early Achievers rating program, which is a requirement for receiving state funding. From there, I filtered results to show only the daycare operators listed as speaking Somali.

Is it racist to single out one ethnicity?

The Minnesota fraud scandal had already established a clear pattern of fraud within the Somali community, resulting in multiple prosecutions and guilty pleas.

It’s not racist to explore whether similar patterns might exist in other states, too.

Consider this excerpt from Armin Rosen’s County Highway piece:

If one chooses to inhabit a fact-based world, it is impossible to ignore that the most thoroughly proven frauds, the ones that have dollar amounts and dozens of federal prosecutions attached to them, involve the distribution of social services through organizations serving Somali-Americans.

In a City Journal article, Christopher Rufo highlighted a whistleblower who reported that the Minneapolis Somali fraud ring may have a potential link to Seattle.

According to Glenn Kerns, a retired Seattle Police Department detective who spent 14 years on a federal Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF), the Somalis ran a sophisticated money network, spanning from Seattle to Minneapolis, and were routing significant amounts of cash on commercial flights from the Seattle airport to the hawala networks in Somalia. One of these networks, Kerns discovered, sent $20 million abroad in a single year. 'The amount of money was staggering,' Kerns said.

Ignoring evidence and patterns over concerns about being called racist is how fraud goes unreported and uncovered.

In my initial search of Somali-run daycares in Washington state, I found that of 5,046 total Early Achievers childcare providers, 539 were Somali speaking. That’s more than 10%. Census reports estimate less than .2% of Washington state’s population is of Somali descent.

That seemed oddly disproportionate, so I posted a scrolling video on X to show what I found.

Hours later, I casually checked my notifications while at the grocery store and saw that Elon Musk replied! Millions of people were suddenly interested in what I’d uncovered with a simple search of publicly available data.

 

Day 1: Investigating on the ground

The day after my X post went viral, independent journalist Jonathan Choe pulled up to my house. We spent the next four hours driving all over town investigating daycares in person. I’d never done anything like it.

While state leaders, including Washington’s Attorney General and several Democrats in the legislature, would later accuse us of harassing daycare owners, we did no such thing. We were friendly. We knocked on doors. We politely asked for an application to enroll a child. Many of the people who came to the door were friendly in return.

At the first daycare, a woman invited us inside for a tour. There were activity tables with child-sized chairs, nap mats neatly stacked, art on the walls, age-appropriate books arranged on a shelf.

While everything looked legitimate, the woman would not give us an application, and I noted that only one child was present at the time.

As we ventured to other locations, we encountered some obvious red flags. Windows fully covered, no signage, and very few outdoor play areas. Most of the people who answered the door told us the owner was not there. They asked us to come back another time. Most significantly, we rarely saw or heard any kids.

At the last spot a woman spoke to us through a doorbell camera.

“We don’t have childcare,” she said.

The windows were fully covered.

 

Day 2: Trouble with the police

On our second day visiting Somali-run daycares listed on the state website, we met up with local journalist Carleen Johnson of The Center Square.

At one site, a woman spoke to us from behind a closed door. She wasn’t willing to give us an application. We asked a few more brief questions, thanked her, and started walking away. Shortly after, two women came out of the house to scold us.

Someone had called the police.

A responding officer assured us that we were not trespassing or doing anything wrong. The women allowed him to look inside the home, and he confirmed that there were kids inside.

The hostility was surprising. By then, a local KOMO News reporter was doing similar work – knocking on doors and asking questions. Basic shoe-leather journalism. Not harassment. Not racism.

We continued throughout the city. Some of the places we visited looked like real daycares, but many did not.

We detailed our findings on social media.

 

Day 3: Where has all the money gone?

We began looking deeper into the publicly available spending data on the Washington State Fiscal Information website. This site, also known as Open Checkbook, discloses provider payments by month and fiscal year. Our third day was focused on visits to providers that received significant amounts of funding.

Another independent journalist, Cam Higby, was with us as well.

Many of these small home daycares were receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in taxpayer funds each year – some got more than a million. Keep in mind that most of these daycares have a maximum capacity of 12 children.

At one address we visited, a man spoke to us from a porch camera. He told us it was not a daycare.

Another alleged daycare was listed at the address of a small, run-down house. The windows were covered. We didn’t see or hear any children. Besides a tattered basketball hoop sitting in a mud puddle at the edge of the property, there was no play equipment. The woman who answered the door was friendly but declined to provide us with any information or an application.

Our team asked two neighbors if they had seen kids at the house and if they were aware it was registered as a daycare.

Both neighbors said no.

Yet, according to state data, the childcare provider listed at that address receives six-figure monthly payments, bringing in over $160,000 in July alone.

As I expanded my research, I checked out the state’s most recent audit. The Washington State Auditor’s Office reviews federal funding annually. Findings are published in a formal report, with highlights summarized on the auditor’s website. The 2024 fiscal year audit exposed significant concerns, including a whopping $416 million dollars in “unauditable” DCYF spending.

The audit revealed that DCYF repeatedly failed to comply with reporting requirements and had more audit “findings” than any other agency.

Despite being given corrective actions to take, similar findings have plagued DCYF for years.

“For the fourth year in a row, we are questioning all childcare payments from the Child Care and Development Fund at the Department of Children, Youth, and Families,” the Auditor’s Office stated.

Read that again. The auditor’s office has questioned ALL federal childcare payments to DCYF for the past four years. Hundreds of millions of dollars in questionable payments.

How is such a blatant failure to follow reporting requirements or enact corrective action even allowed?

I posted a thread summarizing the audit findings on X. Before long, other news outlets and political figures were amplifying what I found.

The strange thing is that the audit findings were never private or hard to uncover. They were right there on a government website for all to see, for years. Why did it take a citizen with an art degree in Washington state to shed light on them?

Knowledge is power, but what comes next?

I want to be clear that I am not alleging fraud at any of these daycares. I do not have the tools or authority to do so. But we, as citizens, do have the tools to spot concerning patterns and question government oversight of our money.

Thanks to social media, we can amplify our concerns so that officials who do have the tools and authority to investigate can be pressured to do so.

State officials have seemingly ignored these red flags for years. Our questions and concerns are fair. We are not racists for recognizing patterns and asking questions.

Our elected officials owe us transparency – and if the media won’t demand it, we should.

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

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