Brandi Kruse
Politics • Culture • News
Legacy media just handed politicians more power over the press
In their effort to shut out independent media, legacy media ended up hurting themselves and – in turn – their readers and viewers.
March 27, 2025
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For the first time in at least 50 years, politicians are directly in charge of controlling press access to the state legislature in Olympia.

It’s going about as well as you’d think.

On Wednesday afternoon, the State Senate voted to ban credentialed reporters from the wings of the chamber. The restriction is a major blow to reporters who cover the statehouse, as the wings are a common place to interview legislators, gather information on upcoming votes, and stay up-to-the-minute on fast-paced floor action.

So how is it that politicians came to have power over the movements of Washington state’s press corps? Well, that’s the worst part. The media willingly handed it over.

How we got here

You are going to read a lot about this in the coming days. There’s no doubt legacy media will blame me personally, at least in part. But they set the stage for what just happened – and ignored multiple warnings that would have prevented it.

Up until earlier this month, media credentials and access were governed by the Capitol Correspondents Association (CCA). The small group of statehouse reporters were long tasked with determining rules for press access – who gets a pass, where they can go with that pass, and the code of conduct for keeping it.

The system was imperfect, to say the least.

Much like the better-known White House Correspondents Association, Olympia’s association had the power to pick winners and losers. As new media platforms and independent outlets started asking for credentials, the legacy reporters who controlled them became territorial (I’d liken it to the famous “you can’t sit with us” line from the movie Mean Girls).

I first started sounding alarms about this issue not long after I left mainstream news to launch the unDivided Podcast. In February 2023, I wrote a story about how fellow independent journalist Jonathan Choe was being excluded from press conferences. In one case, King County employees physically blocked him from attending a media tour of a taxpayer-funded homelessness complex, despite Choe being one of the only reporters who'd been covering the project regularly.

At the time, I questioned why organizations in the state that exist to defend press freedom and advocate for open government were not coming to Choe’s defense.

The Washington Coalition for Open Government, an organization I've routinely supported in its public records fights, stayed silent. As did every mainstream journalist.

Even when King County Executive Dow Constantine declared on camera that Choe was “not actually a journalist,” First Amendment advocates said nothing.

I was stunned, and issued this warning:

“Failure to defend Choe gives Constantine a free pass for his behavior. Even worse, it emboldens other politicians who hope to evade hard questions by engaging in personal attacks.”

In short: United we stand, divided we fall.

Rather than listen, Washington state’s legacy media opted to learn the hard way.

Why the Capital Correspondents Association gave up control

In the lead up to the 2025 legislative session, there were whispers in political and media circles that the CCA would be strict with full-time press passes.

Jerry Cornfield, a statehouse reporter for the Washington State Standard in charge of issuing so-called hard passes, determined they would only be issued to reporters who were covering Olympia full time. Others would be given day passes on a case-by-case basis and would need to request them in advance (difficult considering newsroom assignments are often handed out the same day).

On February 4, I requested a credential and was denied.

I learned other non-traditional and new media reporters had also been denied or had their requests go unanswered. Among them were Jonathan Choe and several reporters for The Center Square, an online news outlet and wire service covering statehouses across the country.

When I asked Cornfield why my request was denied, he cited my “active involvement in the political process,” quoting this excerpt from the Capital Press Corps guidance:

Credentials shall not be issued to anyone who is or may become engaged in political campaigns or the development of public policy, including holding positions or doing any work for an elected or appointed government official, political party organization, campaign, political consultancy, political action committee or other such organization, regardless of whether such work is paid or unpaid.

Certainly, I have used my platforms to advocate for political candidates and policies, much like a newspaper editorial board. But why should that matter?

The form of reporting I’m engaged in is far closer to what our Founding Fathers sought to protect than today’s traditional media.

In the early days of the fight for independence, pamphleteers like Thomas Paine circulated their writings to gain support for the very ideas that established our nation and its founding documents. They fought against the monarchy and for a representative government. They never hid their opinions or biases. Our country wouldn’t be what it is today without them.

In many ways, today’s growth of new media and independent voices better captures the spirit of our nation’s early press – and better illustrates the importance of the First Amendment. After all, the free speech that most needs protection is the speech that those in power would be most eager to silence.

Federal courts have also repeatedly affirmed for almost a half century that press credentials cannot be denied because a reporter “take[s] sides, especially in political contests,” or “participate[d] in political party events.”

That's why in mid-February, myself, along with a group of new media and independent reporters who’d been denied press passes, retained the services of Seattle law firm Davis Wright Tremaine – which has done important work defending press access around the nation and holding the government accountable for lapses in transparency.

The hope was to avoid a drawn-out legal battle – or, honestly, a legal battle at all.

Our attorney drafted a letter to the Capitol Correspondents Association, urging it to issue passes.

…As detailed below, your refusal to timely issue full press credentials to the reporters violates their First Amendment rights and undermines the rights of the free press and all other journalists in Washington State. We therefore demand that you confirm they will be issued full passes immediately and that you will not impede their access to such credentials in the future, or in the alternative, that you provide your availability for a meeting to discuss this issue before we initiate litigation.

It didn’t take long to see progress (a strongly worded letter from a reputable attorney can have that effect). Our attorney met a few days later with Cornfield and CCA Vice President Jeanie Lindsay, who works as a reporter for KUOW. Within hours, the last remaining uncredentialed reporter at The Center Square was given a hard pass.

But that’s where things seemed to stall.

When it came to passes for me and Jonathan Choe, the CCA wouldn’t budge. And their rationale was all over the place.

While their denial for me previously focused on my political advocacy, they now brought up social media posts where I stated, "I am not a journalist."

“We take her at her word and cannot recommend she be awarded a hard pass,” they wrote.

That is, of course, obtuse. There are many layers of the media. I believe it's important not to leave room for confusion about what I do. I am engaged in reporting and opinion, not journalism. But one is not more worthy of First Amendment protection than the other.

 As for Choe, the CCA cited his work for Discovery Institute, “which is not a news organization,” they wrote. After our attorney pointed out that Choe is also a reporter for a number of other national and local news organizations, they then went after his perceived lack of decorum, citing an incident where he defended himself against an attack while reporting in the field.

…we are deeply concerned about Mr. Choe's actions in April 2024 when he was accused of assaulting a woman while he was purportedly covering an event. There is a police report and public reporting of the incident. That alone seems to be disqualifying behavior for us to recommend he receive any kind of credential.”

An odd rationale considering the uptick in assaults on the media. Are we kicked out of the club if we defend ourselves?

On March 7, Davis Wright Tremaine issued a final demand of the CCA. It just so happened that I was in Olympia covering the legislature that day (where I had to be invited as a guest by Republican lawmakers in order to do my job). I was hopeful I could pick up a press pass that day and be done with it.

Wishful thinking.

Rather than relent, things took an unexpected turn. Fearing a lawsuit, Cornfield and the CCA relinquished their control over press passes entirely – handing the power over to the House and the Senate.

You read that correctly. The Capitol Correspondents Association was so opposed to giving me a press pass, they abdicated more than 50 years of control and handed it off to the very politicians we’re supposed to be holding accountable.

Absolutely stunning.

Cable news was indignant when President Donald Trump’s Press Secretary seized control of access to daily White House briefings – and rightfully so. But is willingly handing over control any better?

State Senate moves quickly to pass new rules

As soon as the CCA dissolved, House and Senate leaders started working on stopgap policies to govern media access.

While the House has yet to make formal recommendations, news broke Wednesday that the Senate would be voting on new rules to dictate where members of the media could report from.

A hurried email alert went out from the Washington Newspaper Publishers Association.

Forwarding an important and urgent message from the Washington Coalition for Open Government. Forwarded below is a message from Austin Jenkins who says there is formal legislation the senate is expected to take up TODAY at 12:30 pm that would formally kick reporters out of the Senate wings. As you know, reporters engage with senators there and get vital access and information. IF YOU HAVE JUST TWO PRECIOUS MINUTES TO ACT, PLEASE CONTACT YOUR LEGISLATOR IMMEDIATELY to let them know this is an unacceptable limiting of press access, in a state that purports to value the role of the Free Press.

Austin Jenkins is a longtime TVW host who now works for Pluribus News.

Sounds like the WA Senate will vote today to kick reporters out of the Senate wings. As I understand it this came about because the Capitol Correspondents Association was under threat of litigation from the likes of Brandi Kruse and Jonathan Choe and thus handed credentialing of reporters back to the House and Senate. Rumor is Lt. Gov Heck was none too pleased. Needless to say, the wings is where reporters are able to engage with members and get vital access and information. If this passes, it will be a huge restriction on press and a major departure from historical norms.

It's always nice for your name to come after “the likes of.”

The rule change passed Wednesday afternoon on a voice vote. Senate Majority Leader Jamie Pedersen (D-Seattle) explained the change in an email published by the Lynnwood Times.

The Lieutenant Governor, who is responsible under the Senate Rules for enforcing the rules and maintaining decorum in the chamber, established a process by which self-identifying members of the press can fill out an online form agreement to receive a press pass. The agreement requires the individual to attest to being a member of the press, provide contact information for themself and their organization, and agree to abide by Senate rules of decorum.

 

The Senate also passed a rule Wednesday allowing press access to the Senate gallery; first-come, first-served access to the Senate floor’s press table; and access to the Senate wings upon invitation from a senator or staff.  This is a temporary measure for the remainder of the 2025 session. The Legislature will work on a more permanent plan during interim.

What’s interesting about the change is that it actually expands existing access for independent journalists by at least allowing us to get a press credential. Sure, we can’t be in the wings reporting – but the CCA wasn’t letting us do that anyway. The only people who saw their access further restricted because of the new rule? The legacy media outlets that were trying to play gatekeeper.

In their effort to shut out independent media, they ended up hurting themselves and – in turn – their readers and viewers.

This is the exact sort of scenario I’ve spent the past three years warning about.

Remember? United we stand, divided we fall.

Those who claim to care the most about government transparency and accountability created this mess by picking and choosing which battles they fought – ignoring attacks on journalists and media outlets who they deemed as less legitimate or whose political opinions they disagreed with.

In doing so, they weakened everyone’s First Amendment protections.

What happens from here?

While the new rule passed Wednesday doesn’t further restrict my access in Olympia, it remains incredibly problematic. Under the rule, I will still need to ask a favor of a state legislator if I want to report from the wings.

Reporters shouldn’t have to be invited or chaperoned by lawmakers in order to report on those very lawmakers. What happens when a reporter is critical of the lawmakers who have been giving them access? Will they constantly be worried that the access will be taken away?

After Wednesday’s vote, I was made aware that Senate Minority Leader John Braun (R-Centralia) sent a formal request to the Secretary of the Senate to ensure that I have access to report from the Republican wings in perpetuity. I didn’t ask Senator Braun to write the letter, nor did I know of it in advance. I have, however, spoken with Senator Braun and other lawmakers in recent weeks about my concerns over press access. Senator Braun sent similar letters on behalf of other non-traditional reporters, as well as a blanket letter to cover any established members of the media. I am grateful that they are taking steps to help provide access while we determine next steps.

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In speaking with several members of the Senate Republican Caucus who voted in favor of the rule change, they say they saw it as a better alternative for independent media given that lawmakers could help facilitate access to the wings. Certainly, there’s an advantage for them if independent outlets, which tend to lean conservative, have equal access to legacy media, which has long skewed to the left.

As for the Democratic side, I am highly skeptical of their motives.

During debate, Senator Manka Dhingra (D-Redmond) falsely claimed the new rule "does not change or limit any of the access." It does. Senator Lisa Wellman (D-Mercer Island) suggested it was important to "preserve the publication of truth and verified facts" after going on a rant about people who simply report on their own YouTube channels. She lamented that today's new media is not the "Walter Cronkite" that she grew up with.

I have little doubt that the rule change was, at least in part, an effort from Democrats to keep conservative media out of the wings on their side and at arm's length. If that's not their intention, they should extend the same courtesy Senator Braun and the Republican caucus did after Wednesday's vote. Will they? Highly unlikely.

I remain very concerned that restrictions will only expand between this session and next session as they work on permanent rules.

Regardless of your politics, we should be able to agree that the more people who can do the hard work of holding our elected officials accountable, the better.

The only way to avoid further restrictions across the board is for old media and new media to present a united front. We’re all in the business of keeping people informed. It’s time to set egos aside and put our duty to the public first.

Ultimately, the question is simple: Are you on the side trying to limit access, or the side fighting to expand it?

Correction: A previous version of this story stated the rule change passed on a 40-9 vote. The rule change was passed on a voice vote. 

 

 

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We fight on – because what other choice is there?
They can try to destroy my reputation. It still won't put them on the right side of history.
 

This week, progressive political strategists launched an effort to undermine my support of citizen initiatives – arguing that my opinions are no longer protected by the First Amendment and should therefore be regulated by the state.

You read that correctly.

In a 24-page complaint to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission, an obscure organization that styles itself as Washingtonians for Ethical Government called for an immediate investigation into my public support of two voter initiatives that will appear on the ballot in November – one to protect girls' sports, the other to restore parental rights.

Kruse is possibly the most prolific of political content creators in Washington, and her promotions of Let’s Go Washington’s initiatives do not qualify as editorial content. Kruse is not an impartial journalist or just an opinionated member of the public; she is a commercial advertiser with multiple advertisers. Although Kruse was once employed as a reporter by bonafide news outlets, she is no longer commonly considered as a journalist in Washington State and was recently denied press credentials by the Washington State Capitol Correspondents Association, a decision that was upheld by both state and federal courts.

Their argument goes something like this:

  • I host a podcast.

  • My podcast sells spots to advertisers.

  • I endorse products for said advertisers.

  • Therefore, my endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, my political endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, any political endorsements I make must be reported to the Public Disclosure Commission as “in-kind” donations.

There are several factual inaccuracies with the complaint, like the assertion that state and federal courts have determined I’m not a journalist. That is false. While a federal judge declined an emergency motion to have my press pass reinstated in the final days of the 2026 legislative session, our case is ongoing and only in the early stages. I am confident we will prevail.

There are also several legal issues with the complaint, not the least of which is a pesky little thing called the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

But don’t be fooled – the goal of the complaint isn’t for it to stick. The goal is to harm my reputation in the court of public opinion.

Still, for the sake of posterity, it’s worth noting a few things:

The government cannot assign a numerical value to my political speech. Such an act would be extraordinary and without precedent in the history of the United States.

I have never received anything of monetary value to support or oppose any political candidate, initiative, or issue. Quite the contrary. I have given untold hours, made personal donations, and driven tens of thousands of miles around the state to lend my voice to issues and people I believe in.

I have the right to charge advertisers for endorsements, or to provide endorsements free of charge if I wish. And I have. In the years following the pandemic, I featured local small businesses on my show free of charge – and gave them attention on social media, urging followers to support businesses that were struggling to recover from government-imposed lockdowns. I also did this in 2020 while still employed as a news reporter at FOX 13 in Seattle, running a weekly segment on my political show called “Small Business Sunday.”

Providing paid endorsements of products is a common practice in broadcasting and has been for decades. Many of our current advertisers were once endorsed on the radio by the late Dori Monson. Several local radio hosts who endorse products on air have also made public statements about their support of current voter initiatives. Ari Hoffman of KVI and John Curley of KIRO Radio not only endorse products but have stood alongside me in support of girls and parents.

If the Public Disclosure Commission were to rule that my speech must be regulated, it would also have to start regulating the speech of dozens of mainstream radio hosts – and perhaps even the Editorial Board of the Seattle Times.

Beyond that, this issue is settled law in Washington.

The Washington State Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that endorsements from talk show hosts do not constitute in-kind contributions.

At the time, radio hosts John Carlson and Kirby Wilbur were organizing and promoting Initiative 912, aimed at stopping an incremental increase in the gas tax.

'The mere fact that a broadcast has value to a campaign, or includes solicitation of funds, votes, or other support, does not convert commentary into advertising when it occurs during the content portion of a broadcast for which payment is not normally required,' Justice Barbara Madsen wrote for the court.

But again, the point of the complaint is not to upend existing law or get the government to throw the First Amendment to the wind.

The progressive political strategists behind the stunt, Powerhouse Strategic, is the firm used by opponents of the Let’s Go Washington initiatives.

Few news outlets that covered Tuesday’s press release saw fit to mention this connection. Why? It’s not as if it’s a secret. Kristin Hyde, a communications specialist with Powerhouse Strategic, sent the release out with her name and contact information on it.

Powerhouse not only brought previous PDC complaints against Let’s Go Washington, but it also represents the Washington State Democratic Party, as well as two of the largest unions bankrolling the anti-initiative campaigns: SEIU and the Washington Education Association.

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Still, The Seattle Times characterized Washingtonians for Ethical Government (WFEG) only as a “campaign finance watchdog.”

Even if it were a legitimate watchdog group and not a cover for deeply partisan operatives, in the past 10 years it’s only ever questioned the “ethics” of conservatives.

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In case there was any doubt, I fully intend to continue my work fighting for what I truly believe is the women’s rights issue of our generation: the erasure of girls at the hands of ideologues.

After all, I was fighting this issue long before Let’s Go Washington decided to run initiatives to change state law. In fact, it was through episodes of unDivided that LGW met two of the teen athletes – Ahnaleigh Wilson and Frances Staudt – who would go on to become important voices in the campaign to protect female athletes. I like to think our coverage of the issue is a big reason why voters will get a say in November. I am very proud of that.

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I will also keep fighting for parental rights, as I was before LGW started collecting signatures for a parental bill of rights. My advocacy on this issue goes back to 2023, when I helped a rag-tag group of citizens collect signatures to try to run a referendum on Senate Bill 5599. The law allows children to be hidden from parents if they don’t think their family approves of their gender identity. I was protested, threatened, and called a transphobe. All the usual stuff. The referendum fell short, but my motivation to help parents keep their families together only grew.

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As I said on my show this week: They can try to bankrupt my business. They can try to destroy my reputation. They can even try to kill me. None of it puts them on the right side of history.

So, we fight on. What other choice is there?

 

 

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Guest: How to investigate fraud when the media and politicians won't
How a citizen with an art degree uncovered more about potential childcare fraud than the legacy news

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

On the morning of December 28, I settled in with a cup of coffee to catch up on the latest Minnesota fraud news. I’d heard rumblings of the scandal for weeks after County Highway and City Journal published pieces describing the schemes in startling detail.

Earlier that week, independent journalist Nick Shirley released a viral video investigating Minneapolis daycare centers, focusing on several owned and operated by members of the Somali community. His videos weren’t definitive proof of fraud, but like many Americans I was left with questions that were too big to ignore.

So, what was I going to do about it?

I’ve always had a knack for pattern recognition and making sense of data. I fully admit I’m not professionally trained in this capacity. I have an art degree. I’m just a concerned citizen who wanted to take a closer look at how our tax dollars are being spent.

Here’s how I went about uncovering suspicious activity that was later highlighted by Elon Musk, viewed by millions of people, and led to on-the-ground investigations by independent journalists (and even some legacy news stations in Seattle). 

It started with a simple search

My initial efforts were not sophisticated. I simply typed ‘childcare wa’ into a search engine. I never anticipated that such a basic exercise in sleuthing would spark the local and national attention that it did.

I landed on the state website for the Department of Children, Youth, and Families (DCYF). Among other things, the site serves as a tool for families to find childcare options. It lists every provider in the state, with information on the owner, address, capacity, inspection history, and language.

I toggled the filter to show daycares participating in the Early Achievers rating program, which is a requirement for receiving state funding. From there, I filtered results to show only the daycare operators listed as speaking Somali.

Is it racist to single out one ethnicity?

The Minnesota fraud scandal had already established a clear pattern of fraud within the Somali community, resulting in multiple prosecutions and guilty pleas.

It’s not racist to explore whether similar patterns might exist in other states, too.

Consider this excerpt from Armin Rosen’s County Highway piece:

If one chooses to inhabit a fact-based world, it is impossible to ignore that the most thoroughly proven frauds, the ones that have dollar amounts and dozens of federal prosecutions attached to them, involve the distribution of social services through organizations serving Somali-Americans.

In a City Journal article, Christopher Rufo highlighted a whistleblower who reported that the Minneapolis Somali fraud ring may have a potential link to Seattle.

According to Glenn Kerns, a retired Seattle Police Department detective who spent 14 years on a federal Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF), the Somalis ran a sophisticated money network, spanning from Seattle to Minneapolis, and were routing significant amounts of cash on commercial flights from the Seattle airport to the hawala networks in Somalia. One of these networks, Kerns discovered, sent $20 million abroad in a single year. 'The amount of money was staggering,' Kerns said.

Ignoring evidence and patterns over concerns about being called racist is how fraud goes unreported and uncovered.

In my initial search of Somali-run daycares in Washington state, I found that of 5,046 total Early Achievers childcare providers, 539 were Somali speaking. That’s more than 10%. Census reports estimate less than .2% of Washington state’s population is of Somali descent.

That seemed oddly disproportionate, so I posted a scrolling video on X to show what I found.

Hours later, I casually checked my notifications while at the grocery store and saw that Elon Musk replied! Millions of people were suddenly interested in what I’d uncovered with a simple search of publicly available data.

 

Day 1: Investigating on the ground

The day after my X post went viral, independent journalist Jonathan Choe pulled up to my house. We spent the next four hours driving all over town investigating daycares in person. I’d never done anything like it.

While state leaders, including Washington’s Attorney General and several Democrats in the legislature, would later accuse us of harassing daycare owners, we did no such thing. We were friendly. We knocked on doors. We politely asked for an application to enroll a child. Many of the people who came to the door were friendly in return.

At the first daycare, a woman invited us inside for a tour. There were activity tables with child-sized chairs, nap mats neatly stacked, art on the walls, age-appropriate books arranged on a shelf.

While everything looked legitimate, the woman would not give us an application, and I noted that only one child was present at the time.

As we ventured to other locations, we encountered some obvious red flags. Windows fully covered, no signage, and very few outdoor play areas. Most of the people who answered the door told us the owner was not there. They asked us to come back another time. Most significantly, we rarely saw or heard any kids.

At the last spot a woman spoke to us through a doorbell camera.

“We don’t have childcare,” she said.

The windows were fully covered.

 

Day 2: Trouble with the police

On our second day visiting Somali-run daycares listed on the state website, we met up with local journalist Carleen Johnson of The Center Square.

At one site, a woman spoke to us from behind a closed door. She wasn’t willing to give us an application. We asked a few more brief questions, thanked her, and started walking away. Shortly after, two women came out of the house to scold us.

Someone had called the police.

A responding officer assured us that we were not trespassing or doing anything wrong. The women allowed him to look inside the home, and he confirmed that there were kids inside.

The hostility was surprising. By then, a local KOMO News reporter was doing similar work – knocking on doors and asking questions. Basic shoe-leather journalism. Not harassment. Not racism.

We continued throughout the city. Some of the places we visited looked like real daycares, but many did not.

We detailed our findings on social media.

 

Day 3: Where has all the money gone?

We began looking deeper into the publicly available spending data on the Washington State Fiscal Information website. This site, also known as Open Checkbook, discloses provider payments by month and fiscal year. Our third day was focused on visits to providers that received significant amounts of funding.

Another independent journalist, Cam Higby, was with us as well.

Many of these small home daycares were receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in taxpayer funds each year – some got more than a million. Keep in mind that most of these daycares have a maximum capacity of 12 children.

At one address we visited, a man spoke to us from a porch camera. He told us it was not a daycare.

Another alleged daycare was listed at the address of a small, run-down house. The windows were covered. We didn’t see or hear any children. Besides a tattered basketball hoop sitting in a mud puddle at the edge of the property, there was no play equipment. The woman who answered the door was friendly but declined to provide us with any information or an application.

Our team asked two neighbors if they had seen kids at the house and if they were aware it was registered as a daycare.

Both neighbors said no.

Yet, according to state data, the childcare provider listed at that address receives six-figure monthly payments, bringing in over $160,000 in July alone.

As I expanded my research, I checked out the state’s most recent audit. The Washington State Auditor’s Office reviews federal funding annually. Findings are published in a formal report, with highlights summarized on the auditor’s website. The 2024 fiscal year audit exposed significant concerns, including a whopping $416 million dollars in “unauditable” DCYF spending.

The audit revealed that DCYF repeatedly failed to comply with reporting requirements and had more audit “findings” than any other agency.

Despite being given corrective actions to take, similar findings have plagued DCYF for years.

“For the fourth year in a row, we are questioning all childcare payments from the Child Care and Development Fund at the Department of Children, Youth, and Families,” the Auditor’s Office stated.

Read that again. The auditor’s office has questioned ALL federal childcare payments to DCYF for the past four years. Hundreds of millions of dollars in questionable payments.

How is such a blatant failure to follow reporting requirements or enact corrective action even allowed?

I posted a thread summarizing the audit findings on X. Before long, other news outlets and political figures were amplifying what I found.

The strange thing is that the audit findings were never private or hard to uncover. They were right there on a government website for all to see, for years. Why did it take a citizen with an art degree in Washington state to shed light on them?

Knowledge is power, but what comes next?

I want to be clear that I am not alleging fraud at any of these daycares. I do not have the tools or authority to do so. But we, as citizens, do have the tools to spot concerning patterns and question government oversight of our money.

Thanks to social media, we can amplify our concerns so that officials who do have the tools and authority to investigate can be pressured to do so.

State officials have seemingly ignored these red flags for years. Our questions and concerns are fair. We are not racists for recognizing patterns and asking questions.

Our elected officials owe us transparency – and if the media won’t demand it, we should.

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

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