Brandi Kruse
Politics • Culture • News
Senator’s comments on police pursuit law are incomprehensible
We don’t need data to tell us what our eyes are showing us.
January 17, 2023
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You are being too emotional.

You are being unreasonable.

You are being irrational.

You have no reason to fear for your safety.

You have no reason to fear for the safety of your family, your children, or your community.

That is the message State Senator Manka Dhingra sent to Washingtonians Tuesday – suggesting that concern over a controversial law limiting police pursuits is rooted in feelings, not facts.

“I think this policy has become so politicized that people are no longer looking at data or best practices, they’re having an emotional reaction to it,” she said.

Dhingra, who chairs the Senate Law & Justice Committee, was responding to a bipartisan effort to reform HB 1054 – a law passed by Democrats in 2021 as part of a suite of police reforms in response to the murder of George Floyd.

The law dramatically limits when officers are allowed to engage in vehicle pursuits, setting a near impossible standard to pursue suspects who flee from law enforcement, even if there is reasonable suspicion to believe the person just committed a violent crime.

“We don’t have any data indicating there is a rise in crime because of this policy,” Senator Dhingra claimed.

Come again?

After HB 1054 became law in July 2021, the Washington State Patrol said it started tracking situations where a pursuit was not authorized by statute and, thus, troopers did not pursue. Those instances were coded as "FLED." 

In the last five months of 2021, there were 744 FLED incidents. 

In 2022, the number jumped to 3,110.

"Prior to that, fleeing vehicle situations would have likely resulted in a pursuit of some sort and duration and we simply did not have a need to have a specific coding for pursuits that did not happen," said Chris Loftis, a WSP spokesperson.

For anyone who cared to listen, state troopers who'd been working the road for years knew what was happening was completely unprecedented. 

“People are not stopping right now,” Sgt. Darren Wright, a 32-year WSP veteran, said in May 2022. “It's happening three to five times a shift on some nights and then a couple times a week on day shift.”

In Snohomish County, deputies saw a dramatic spike in attempts to elude – from 177 before the law was passed in 2020 to 307 in 2022.

“I have never seen or heard (radio) anything like it and that’s not an overstatement,” Snohomish County Sheriff Adam Fortney said in an email Tuesday.

How can Senator Dhingra claim there is no data “indicating there is a rise in crime because of this policy”?

Fleeing from a traffic stop is, after all, a felony crime, and common sense tells us you only flee from a traffic stop if you’re worried about going to jail for something even worse.

What kind of data does the Senator need, exactly, to prove that the pursuit law has eroded respect for the rule of law?

Perhaps she hasn’t heard the 911 call from a man accused of holding his girlfriend hostage. Indignant that he was being pursued by Seattle police, he directed operators to tell officers to back off, citing the limits put in place by House Bill 1054.

I ask again: What kind of data does the Senator need to prove that the pursuit law has negatively impacted public safety?

If you look outside and it’s raining, do you need to collect the drops and have them tested to make sure it is indeed H20?

Of course not.

We don’t need data to tell us what our eyes are showing us.

It is not just raining in Washington state – we’re in the middle of an unprecedented storm.

Thankfully, a bipartisan group of lawmakers is offering us a life raft.

We need to grab ahold of it before rescue is out of reach.

House Bill 1363 and Senate Bill 5352 are bipartisan proposals that would give officers more discretion to determine whether pursuing a vehicle is in the best interest of public safety. The bills read:

A peace officer may not conduct a vehicular pursuit, unless there is reasonable suspicion to believe that a person in the vehicle has committed or is committing a criminal offense and the safety risks of failing to apprehend or identify the person are considered to be greater than the safety risks of the vehicular pursuit under the circumstances.

It doesn’t mean officers will pursue more suspects, or that individual agencies can’t adopt stricter polices, but the change would stop criminals from assuming they can drive off from a traffic stop without consequence.

The proposals reflect a reasonable effort to restore law and order to our roadways and address the concerns of mayors, police chiefs, and sheriffs across the state who have spoken out about the challenges created by HB 1054.

Or are all of them being too emotional, too?

Unfortunately, Senator Dhingra said on Tuesday she will not hear the proposal in her committee. Her opposition is all but a death knell.

In an emailed statement Tuesday night, Dhingra further explained her position.
In general, the recent rise in crime has been a national phenomenon, so we have to attribute it to larger national forces, not to specific laws passed in Washington. While there are anecdotes about the increase in people fleeing law enforcement, we don’t have the historical data on that to make strong comparisons. But the most important point to consider is that we have to weigh the costs and benefits of this new policy. The benefit is the lives saved – the innocent bystanders who will not be taken away from their families suddenly and violently, simply because they happened to be in the wrong place at the wrong time. There are many ways of catching people who flee the police, and I’m hearing from law enforcement that they are often catching those people in other ways without a dangerous high-speed chase. And there are lots of innovations we can invest in to help with smarter approaches than pursuits – technologies like GPS trackers, license plate readers, and others. I’m very open to investing in solutions like those. And again, we need to invest in data tracking as well, so that we can have better fact-based conversations about the best ways to keep the people of Washington safe on the road.
Dhingra did not entirely rule out changes to the law in her Tuesday remarks. She simply thinks those changes should originate elsewhere.

“I don’t believe that the legislature is the best body to now make changes given the politics around this issue,” she said.

Convenient.

She clearly believed that the legislature was the correct body to make changes to the pursuit law in 2021, but now that those changes are in question – let someone else deal with it.

Instead, Senator Dhingra said she thinks the Criminal Justice Training Commission should spend time studying best practices across the country, then come back to the legislature with recommendations. She called it “the only thing” she would entertain.

If she were so concerned about studying best practices, why didn’t she call for that in 2021 before Democrats thrust our state into a public safety crisis based purely off emotion?

You know, emotion. That thing you’re accusing the rest of us of using.

Feelings are apparently a fine tool for crafting bills – but a silly tool for fixing them.

If you would like to email Senator Dhingra, you can do so here: [email protected]

 

 

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We fight on – because what other choice is there?
They can try to destroy my reputation. It still won't put them on the right side of history.
 

This week, progressive political strategists launched an effort to undermine my support of citizen initiatives – arguing that my opinions are no longer protected by the First Amendment and should therefore be regulated by the state.

You read that correctly.

In a 24-page complaint to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission, an obscure organization that styles itself as Washingtonians for Ethical Government called for an immediate investigation into my public support of two voter initiatives that will appear on the ballot in November – one to protect girls' sports, the other to restore parental rights.

Kruse is possibly the most prolific of political content creators in Washington, and her promotions of Let’s Go Washington’s initiatives do not qualify as editorial content. Kruse is not an impartial journalist or just an opinionated member of the public; she is a commercial advertiser with multiple advertisers. Although Kruse was once employed as a reporter by bonafide news outlets, she is no longer commonly considered as a journalist in Washington State and was recently denied press credentials by the Washington State Capitol Correspondents Association, a decision that was upheld by both state and federal courts.

Their argument goes something like this:

  • I host a podcast.

  • My podcast sells spots to advertisers.

  • I endorse products for said advertisers.

  • Therefore, my endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, my political endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, any political endorsements I make must be reported to the Public Disclosure Commission as “in-kind” donations.

There are several factual inaccuracies with the complaint, like the assertion that state and federal courts have determined I’m not a journalist. That is false. While a federal judge declined an emergency motion to have my press pass reinstated in the final days of the 2026 legislative session, our case is ongoing and only in the early stages. I am confident we will prevail.

There are also several legal issues with the complaint, not the least of which is a pesky little thing called the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

But don’t be fooled – the goal of the complaint isn’t for it to stick. The goal is to harm my reputation in the court of public opinion.

Still, for the sake of posterity, it’s worth noting a few things:

The government cannot assign a numerical value to my political speech. Such an act would be extraordinary and without precedent in the history of the United States.

I have never received anything of monetary value to support or oppose any political candidate, initiative, or issue. Quite the contrary. I have given untold hours, made personal donations, and driven tens of thousands of miles around the state to lend my voice to issues and people I believe in.

I have the right to charge advertisers for endorsements, or to provide endorsements free of charge if I wish. And I have. In the years following the pandemic, I featured local small businesses on my show free of charge – and gave them attention on social media, urging followers to support businesses that were struggling to recover from government-imposed lockdowns. I also did this in 2020 while still employed as a news reporter at FOX 13 in Seattle, running a weekly segment on my political show called “Small Business Sunday.”

Providing paid endorsements of products is a common practice in broadcasting and has been for decades. Many of our current advertisers were once endorsed on the radio by the late Dori Monson. Several local radio hosts who endorse products on air have also made public statements about their support of current voter initiatives. Ari Hoffman of KVI and John Curley of KIRO Radio not only endorse products but have stood alongside me in support of girls and parents.

If the Public Disclosure Commission were to rule that my speech must be regulated, it would also have to start regulating the speech of dozens of mainstream radio hosts – and perhaps even the Editorial Board of the Seattle Times.

Beyond that, this issue is settled law in Washington.

The Washington State Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that endorsements from talk show hosts do not constitute in-kind contributions.

At the time, radio hosts John Carlson and Kirby Wilbur were organizing and promoting Initiative 912, aimed at stopping an incremental increase in the gas tax.

'The mere fact that a broadcast has value to a campaign, or includes solicitation of funds, votes, or other support, does not convert commentary into advertising when it occurs during the content portion of a broadcast for which payment is not normally required,' Justice Barbara Madsen wrote for the court.

But again, the point of the complaint is not to upend existing law or get the government to throw the First Amendment to the wind.

The progressive political strategists behind the stunt, Powerhouse Strategic, is the firm used by opponents of the Let’s Go Washington initiatives.

Few news outlets that covered Tuesday’s press release saw fit to mention this connection. Why? It’s not as if it’s a secret. Kristin Hyde, a communications specialist with Powerhouse Strategic, sent the release out with her name and contact information on it.

Powerhouse not only brought previous PDC complaints against Let’s Go Washington, but it also represents the Washington State Democratic Party, as well as two of the largest unions bankrolling the anti-initiative campaigns: SEIU and the Washington Education Association.

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Still, The Seattle Times characterized Washingtonians for Ethical Government (WFEG) only as a “campaign finance watchdog.”

Even if it were a legitimate watchdog group and not a cover for deeply partisan operatives, in the past 10 years it’s only ever questioned the “ethics” of conservatives.

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In case there was any doubt, I fully intend to continue my work fighting for what I truly believe is the women’s rights issue of our generation: the erasure of girls at the hands of ideologues.

After all, I was fighting this issue long before Let’s Go Washington decided to run initiatives to change state law. In fact, it was through episodes of unDivided that LGW met two of the teen athletes – Ahnaleigh Wilson and Frances Staudt – who would go on to become important voices in the campaign to protect female athletes. I like to think our coverage of the issue is a big reason why voters will get a say in November. I am very proud of that.

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Me with Frances Staudt (left) and Ahnaleigh Wilson (right) at a signature gathering event in Issaquah, Washington.

I will also keep fighting for parental rights, as I was before LGW started collecting signatures for a parental bill of rights. My advocacy on this issue goes back to 2023, when I helped a rag-tag group of citizens collect signatures to try to run a referendum on Senate Bill 5599. The law allows children to be hidden from parents if they don’t think their family approves of their gender identity. I was protested, threatened, and called a transphobe. All the usual stuff. The referendum fell short, but my motivation to help parents keep their families together only grew.

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Protesters greet us outside a coffee shop in Lacey, Washington, where we were collecting signatures to repeal SB 5599.

As I said on my show this week: They can try to bankrupt my business. They can try to destroy my reputation. They can even try to kill me. None of it puts them on the right side of history.

So, we fight on. What other choice is there?

 

 

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