Brandi Kruse
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Exclusive: Democratic lawmaker, professor call bullshit on data used to restrict police pursuits
January 24, 2023
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Data being used to justify Washington state’s controversial police pursuit restrictions “should be disregarded in its entirety and should not be used to inform legislative decision-making,” concluded an independent review.

The finding comes as State Senator Manka Dhingra (D-Redmond) uses that very data as justification to kill a bipartisan proposal that would loosen restrictions placed on pursuits in 2021. Dhingra, chair of the Senate Law & Justice Committee, has said repeatedly in recent days that “data” proves House Bill 1054 is saving lives by reducing the number of innocent bystanders killed in police pursuits.

“The data that I have seen come in says that the deaths of bystanders have dramatically gone down, so our streets are safer for innocent individuals who are just going about their day,” Senator Dhingra declared during a press conference last week.

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Dhingra repeated a similar sentiment on Monday when asked why she would not allow a hearing on the proposed fix for HB 1054.

“There has been a 73% reduction in innocent Washingtonians being killed,” she said.

The “data” Senator Dhingra points to comes from an analysis done by retired University of Washington Professor Martina Morris, who examined deaths associated with vehicle pursuits by law enforcement in Washington state since 2015.

“It has been about 1.5 years since the new law took effect, and the initial data suggest that that it has been effective,” Dr. Morris concluded, noting that there have been 3 pursuit-related fatalities since the law took effect in July 2021, compared to 11 over a similar timeframe before the law was changed.

“Since the law change in 2021, the number of people killed during pursuits has dropped by 73%.”

The finding of the report certainly makes House Bill 1054 sound like a resounding success – but at least one Democratic lawmaker is calling bullshit.

In an email obtained by unDivided, State Rep. Alicia Rule (D-Blaine) informed some of her fellow lawmakers, including Senator Dhingra, that she commissioned an independent review to check the validity of Morris’ findings.

Her email, sent on Sunday, reflects deep in-party division about whether HB 1054 has improved public safety.

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“As we re-engage in the conversation about police pursuits, you may have heard recent discussion that included claims about ‘the data’ that has been published. With some thoughtful concern about this myself, I started to ask more questions,” Rep. Rule wrote in an email to several dozen lawmakers who are involved in debate over the pursuit law. “Using data to inform our decision-making process is important to me and I am sure it is for you as well. Frankly, many of the claims that have been made about what this ‘data’ said sounded compelling and concerning to me upon first look. I’ve seen many of our colleagues make public statements that appear to rely exclusively on this same data, so I decided to inquire with an independent source as to whether or not the data we’ve been hearing about can be relied upon.”

Rule went on to provide a two-page review written by Professor Matthew J. Hickman, chair of the Department of Criminal Justice, Criminology & Forensics at Seattle University. Hickman has an extensive history in statistical research related to law enforcement, having previously worked as a statistician at the Bureau of Justice Statistics. 

In his review, dated January 22, Dr. Hickman blasted the Morris report as “crude” and “lacking methodological rigor.”

“If this analysis was submitted for peer-review, it would be summarily rejected as it does not satisfy threshold criteria for quantitative scientific work,” he wrote. “The analysis should be disregarded in its entirety and should not be used to inform legislative decision-making.”

More from Dr. Hickman’s findings:

Simply tallying the number of fatalities for a limited period prior to and after a law goes into effect will not support a meaningful conclusion about the effectiveness of the legal intervention. Professor Morris has essentially presented an extremely crude version of what is generally referred to as interrupted time-series analysis. There are many pitfalls in this type of analysis and the data requirements are far more stringent than what Professor Morris has presented. The effectiveness of HB 1054 is a very complex question to address, and an adequate research design must be able to consider and rule out alternative explanations for observed changes.
To Professor Morris’ credit, data limitations are acknowledged (such as the problem of not having any data on pursuits that did not result in fatalities). Certainly, an analysis of the effectiveness of HB 1054 would want to also consider pursuit fatalities as a proportion of all pursuits. Since the total number of pursuits also likely declined after July 2021, the pursuit fatality rate may not have changed at all. We just don’t know. It could also be that HB 1054 is responsible for observed increases in violent crime since emboldened criminals know that they will not be stopped by police. Again, we just don’t know. But these are testable hypotheses that are important to investigate as part of an assessment of the effectiveness of HB 1054.

Dr. Hickman goes on to question why Morris would present a report based on such incomplete information – going as far as to question her ethics.

Professor Morris knows all this, as her scholarly record reflects a very clear understanding of methodology and statistics with some published work deserving of acclaim. The question is why Professor Morris is not applying the same level of rigorous analysis that she has in her prior academic career to the question of police pursuit fatalities. One could reasonably conclude that Professor Morris is not fulfilling the role of an objective scholar but is instead playing the role of advocate. One could also reasonably question whether it is ethical to produce and publicly display this potentially misleading analysis which may form the basis of legislative decision-making.

In her email, Rep. Rule told fellow lawmakers that Dr. Hickman’s report should put an end to use of the Morris “data” to justify HB 1054.

“As I read Dr. Hickman’s independent analysis, it appears clear to me that ‘the data’ that we’ve been hearing about as of late, has been debunked,” she wrote. “I look forward to working with each of you to carefully and openly consider reasonable and balance modifications to our state’s vehicular pursuit law.”

Senator Dhingra did not seem impressed with a member of her own party questioning her logic. She replied to the email Monday morning, regurgitating the exact “data” Rep. Rule had just shown to be questionable at best, deliberately misleading at worst.

“Fatalities from high speed veh pursuits have dropped 73%,” Dhingra replied.

That’s her story and she’s sticking to it – public safety (and facts) be damned.

 

 

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Never let politics stand in the way of your happiness. And never be too stubborn to change your mind. 
 

 

 

When I first started dating my husband in 2018, I avoided asking who he voted for in the 2016 presidential election. Part of me already knew the answer, but I wanted to bury the uncomfortable truth: he’d voted for Donald J. Trump.

If I’d asked him the question then, I’m not sure we’d be where we are today: happily married and head-over-heels in love.

When we met in the fall of 2018, I was a political reporter at the local FOX-TV affiliate in Seattle and President Trump was less than two years into his first term. While I’ve always been right of Seattle’s hard-left politics – it was difficult to break free from the groupthink of a newsroom. Especially a newsroom in one of the bluest cities in America.

Donald Trump had declared the “fake news” media the enemy of the American people and, in turn, we waged war against him, too.

To be clear, not all our coverage was unfair. It’s the media’s job to hold politicians accountable and there’s no doubt, when it came to Trump, the Fourth Estate took that job seriously. The problem, as I’ve come to realize, was they took it less seriously when it came to Democrats. They still do.

During my years at FOX 13 News, I like to think I did my best to hold Washington state progressives accountable for their failures on homelessness, crime, and the anti-business policies that were driving companies like Amazon to move jobs elsewhere.  But, in truth, I spent far too much time as a local news reporter covering the White House. I even convinced my bosses to send me to the border in 2019 to cover the so-called family separation crisis – an unusual expense for a local newsroom to agree to. It’s worth noting that local FOX affiliates are different from the network and don’t necessarily share the same conservative bias. Ours certainly did not.

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My family and friends knew I was vehemently anti-Trump. I voted for Hillary Clinton in 2016 and often chided my older brother for flying a Trump flag outside his home in Minnesota. By 2019, I’d moved in with my then-boyfriend – but still avoided talking to him about Trump and left the room when he’d turn on his favorite network news show.   

In hindsight, I had what the right calls Trump Derangement Syndrome. And my diagnosis had the potential to be terminal.

But things started to turn at a most unexpected time.

The January 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol had a different effect on me than you might expect. Rather than deepen my disdain for Donald Trump, it opened my eyes to disturbing depths of hypocrisy that I cannot unsee.

I’d just spent six months covering acts of leftwing political violence in Seattle that followed the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis.

I watched as cop cars were torched in the streets downtown. My security guard disarmed rioters of stolen police rifles. Stores were looted to the studs – bare manikins left strewn in the streets. Officers were assaulted and hit with improvised explosive devices. My crew was mobbed in what later became known as the Capitol Hill Autonomous Zone (CHOP) – six square blocks surrounding a police precinct that were taken over by armed anti-police extremists. A few days into the occupation, rioters tried to light the precinct on fire after putting quick-drying cement on a door to lock officers in.

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Those are just a few examples of what unfolded in Seattle during the racial justice movement of 2020. Our mayor at the time, Jenny Durkan, famously referred to it as a “Summer of Love.” The acts of that summer were ignored and even supported by many in our city’s Democratic leadership. Then-Councilwoman Tammy Morales scolded anyone who questioned the behavior of criminal demonstrators.

“What I don’t want to hear is for our constituents to be told to be civil, not to be reactionary, to be told that looting doesn’t solve anything,” she said during the unrest.

Our state’s chief law enforcer at the time, Attorney General Bob Fergson, stayed mostly silent about the destruction happening on our streets. He had by then made a national name for himself by suing the Trump administration dozens of times and had his eye on the governor’s office (which he went on to win in 2024). There was no way he’d risk angering his base by condemning leftwing extremism. Instead, he issued a short statement focused on criminal justice reform.

The media downplayed the violence, too. Even my own station took great pains to excuse or ignore criminal acts and play up non-criminal elements of the protests. 

No such pains were taken with J6ers.

That hypocrisy was the beginning of my yearslong red pilling.

In 2021, frustrated by new management and our coverage of both the riots and the pandemic, I quit my job in news to launch an independent show.

The biggest supporter of me walking away from my $185,000/year dream job?

My sweet, Trump-voting boyfriend.

I married him in the fall of 2023, five years after I almost let his support for Donald Trump steal the joy we now share. There’s little doubt that had I asked him in the early days of our relationship who he’d voted for in the 2016 election, I would have ended things.

Typing that now makes my heart hurt.

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This past November, I voted for Donald. J Trump for the first time. And yes, my husband did too.

Today, more than any other emotion, I am full of hope and optimism for our country – finally free from the echo chamber that once soured me on Trump and his agenda. But I am also battling a tinge of guilt. Guilt for the viewers I let down in those early days of the Trump administration. Guilt over the wonderful life I almost cost myself.

For that, I offer a sincere apology to our 47th President (and my husband, for that matter). And I offer this advice to anyone upset by a second term of Donald J. Trump: Never let politics stand in the way of your happiness. And never be too stubborn to change your mind. 

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