Brandi Kruse
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unDivided with Brandi Kruse is political coverage for people with common sense.
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Guest editorial: Democrats are 'taking a sledgehammer to democracy' – and parental rights

By: Sue Lani Madsen | Special to unDivided

Washington parents are frustrated over the attempted gutting of the Parents’ Bill of Rights. Two bills moving through the Washington legislature effectively erase the 15 rights enumerated in current law and replace the Parents’ Bill of Rights with a list of “student rights, parental and guardian rights, employee protections, and requirements for state and local education entities . . . and declaring an emergency,” according to House Bill 1296. A similar bill working its way through the other chamber, Senate Bill 5181, also includes an emergency clause that protects it from a voter referendum.

By trying to gut the law approved by initiative, parents are waking up to how Washington Democrats have written them out of their children’s lives. Like the now viral video clip from Sen. Jamie Pedersen (D-Seattle), majority leader of the Washington Senate Democrats:

“Kids over the age of 13 have the complete right to make their own decisions about their mental health care, parents don’t have a right to have notice, they don’t have a right to have consent about that.”

It’s an incredibly stupid policy. 13-year-olds have to be reminded to go to bed, go to school, do their homework, shut the door, take a shower, or “get out of the shower, you’re using all the hot water!” 13-year-olds are not well-known for their ability to make and keep medical appointments. 13-year-olds prescribed medication rely on parents to remind them when to take it, what and what not to take it with, and rescue them from adverse reactions.

In short, 13-year-olds need involved parents to thrive (and even survive).

But unfortunately, Pedersen was mostly correct. As he auto-responded to concerned constituents emailing his office last week, “That is the law in Washington and has been for 40 years.”

Rep. Travis Couture (R-Allyn) calls this deceptive and misleading. While Pedersen was technically right, he ignores the impact of healthcare mission-creep imposed by a Democratic party increasingly dragged into the swamp by its extreme left wing.

In Washington state, what started out in 1985 as a law allowing high school kids to talk to the school counselor without first calling their parents has turned into Senate Majority Leader Pedersen saying on national television, “if they’re old enough to get pregnant, they’re old enough to make decisions about their own bodies.”

Apparently, Pedersen thinks girls can make their own healthcare decisions as long as they’re menstruating, so a girl as young as eight or nine years old doesn’t need her parents’ support if she winds up pregnant. The school can tell her to lie, because according to Pedersen's standard she’s old enough to make decisions about her own body.

And parents must also be lied to by everyone in the school if their daughter has suddenly become confused about her gender after being exposed to a progressive sexual health curriculum and teachers intent on social indoctrination.

That’s not hypothetical. It happened in the Olympia School District with a 10-year-old girl in Ms. Jennifer Knight’s 5th grade class at Centennial Elementary. The unDivided podcast has the interviews and the receipts.

This year’s attempts to gut the Parents’ Bill of Rights have highlighted what parents of kids struggling with mental health challenges already knew. Once your child hits the magic age of 13, they can go it on their own.

“Mental health needs to be taken very seriously,” said one frustrated mother who spoke on condition of anonymity for her daughter’s sake. Her daughter was in treatment, mom was part of a successful treatment plan until 13 and then just like that, a fragile child was left to make her own decisions. “A 13-year-old can be severely depressed and ordered an anti-depressant, then refuse to take them. If a parent isn’t aware, how can they watch for increased risk behavior? And mental health professionals don’t necessarily follow through,” said this mother.

Who do you believe will be a child’s best advocate? An involved parent who worries about her daughter 24/7/365 or a mental health professional with a caseload of dozens of patients and a teacher who sees her at most 180 days a year?

When my own daughter was 13, I got an immediate notification while I was out of town at a meeting. That afternoon, a group of girls had reported sexual harassment, the school was investigating, and a deputy would be visiting in the morning to take her statement. I was home that night and with her in the morning. I can’t imagine being kept in the dark.

Under the law as it stands today, parents have a right “To receive immediate notification if a criminal action is deemed to have been committed against their child or by their child,” like I did. That’s simple, obvious and common sense.

Children don’t live at school; they live at home with their families. In the version of HB 1296 passed by Democrats on the House Education Committee, schools get up to 48 hours to notify parents. Two days of lying to parents by omission?

Of course, there are bad home environments out there – and bad parents. Sometimes those are the kids your kids bring home because they need a meal and a place to sleep. But the same Democratic majority that wants to let the school wait up to 48 hours before calling you – you who have done no wrong and are under no suspicion – also wants to reduce the penalty for cooking meth in front of minors and make it more difficult to remove kids from those very dysfunctional homes. That is nonsensical.

On the Senate side, Democrats amended SB 5181 to take out the 48 hour wait and put the "immediate" notification requirement back before passing it, a minor victory for common sense.

But both bills would still repeal parents’ rights to be notified of any medical care offered to their children, medication provided, or follow-up care required because 13-year-olds are great at organizing their lives without their parents’ involvement. (Insert eyeroll here, the kind your teenager gives you when you remind him to wash the dishes or tell her take out the trash.)

The Parents’ Bill of Rights was approved by nearly a half-million Washington voters who signed Initiative 2081, and by the Washington legislature, where the Democrats were for it in 2024 before deciding they are against it in 2025. As one frustrated parent testified in Olympia during the first public hearing for HB 1296, it's like "taking a sledgehammer to democracy."

SB 5181 passed the Senate and is waiting for a hearing in the House Education Committee, the same committee that approved a 48-hour waiting period and voted down an amendment to bring parents in immediately. No word on when it will be heard.

HB 1296 is lingering in the House Rules Committee and may die there. Speaker Laurie Jinkins (D-Tacoma) who chairs the committee did not respond to a request for a status on the bill and Republicans are as usual shut out of the process.

But you aren’t. Flood your representatives with your opinion through the legislative website. Let them know you want the Parents’ Bill of Rights to remain the law.

You can submit your position on HB 1296 here:
https://app.leg.wa.gov/pbc/bill/1296

You can submit your position on SB 5181 here:
https://app.leg.wa.gov/pbc/bill/5181

About the author:

Sue Lani Madsen calls herself an accidental journalist after 30 years as an architect. She spent nine years as a weekly columnist for the Spokesman-Review, writing about public policy and other topics reflecting her experience in agriculture as a rancher, rural healthcare and urban disaster response as an EMT, and wildland fire and forest policy as a firefighter. She publishes on Substack and The Center Square. She will also be contributing her expertise to unDivided's coverage of the 2025 Legislative Session. Sue Lani lives on a ranch west of Spokane with husband Craig, 200 plus goats and three dogs.

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REMARKS: 'A fundamentally different approach to government'

These remarks were delivered to the Snohomish County Lincoln Day Dinner on May 17, 2024.

REMARKS: 'A fundamentally different approach to government'
'The Final Battle': Remarks to the Whatcom County Republican Party

The following remarks were delivered to the Whatcom County Lincoln Day Dinner on March 23, 2024, in Ferndale, Washington.

I struggled with what to talk to you about tonight. 

Well, that’s not true. I didn't struggle with what to talk to you about – I struggled with whether I was brave enough to say what I wanted to say. 

When I'm invited to speak to groups, I don't want to offend anyone or be too controversial. So, I reached out to a few of your fellow party members to ask whether any topics were off limits or wouldn't go over well with the crowd. 

I got some good advice. 

Then I decided to ignore that good advice entirely.

Too much is at stake to be polite. 

As we sit here tonight, we are in the final battle of a war. 

A war that has pit sanity against insanity. 

Pragmatism against idealism. 

A war that has sacrificed the public good, in favor of a twisted idea of progress.

It's a war that began long before I moved here 15 years ago. It started silently and it was mostly waged in the shadows.

Most of us didn't even realize that a war was being fought. We were too caught up in our own lives and our own problems. ...

'The Final Battle': Remarks to the Whatcom County Republican Party
INTERVIEW: Congressman Dan Newhouse

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We fight on – because what other choice is there?
They can try to destroy my reputation. It still won't put them on the right side of history.
 

This week, progressive political strategists launched an effort to undermine my support of citizen initiatives – arguing that my opinions are no longer protected by the First Amendment and should therefore be regulated by the state.

You read that correctly.

In a 24-page complaint to the Washington State Public Disclosure Commission, an obscure organization that styles itself as Washingtonians for Ethical Government called for an immediate investigation into my public support of two voter initiatives that will appear on the ballot in November – one to protect girls' sports, the other to restore parental rights.

Kruse is possibly the most prolific of political content creators in Washington, and her promotions of Let’s Go Washington’s initiatives do not qualify as editorial content. Kruse is not an impartial journalist or just an opinionated member of the public; she is a commercial advertiser with multiple advertisers. Although Kruse was once employed as a reporter by bonafide news outlets, she is no longer commonly considered as a journalist in Washington State and was recently denied press credentials by the Washington State Capitol Correspondents Association, a decision that was upheld by both state and federal courts.

Their argument goes something like this:

  • I host a podcast.

  • My podcast sells spots to advertisers.

  • I endorse products for said advertisers.

  • Therefore, my endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, my political endorsements have value.

  • Therefore, any political endorsements I make must be reported to the Public Disclosure Commission as “in-kind” donations.

There are several factual inaccuracies with the complaint, like the assertion that state and federal courts have determined I’m not a journalist. That is false. While a federal judge declined an emergency motion to have my press pass reinstated in the final days of the 2026 legislative session, our case is ongoing and only in the early stages. I am confident we will prevail.

There are also several legal issues with the complaint, not the least of which is a pesky little thing called the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

But don’t be fooled – the goal of the complaint isn’t for it to stick. The goal is to harm my reputation in the court of public opinion.

Still, for the sake of posterity, it’s worth noting a few things:

The government cannot assign a numerical value to my political speech. Such an act would be extraordinary and without precedent in the history of the United States.

I have never received anything of monetary value to support or oppose any political candidate, initiative, or issue. Quite the contrary. I have given untold hours, made personal donations, and driven tens of thousands of miles around the state to lend my voice to issues and people I believe in.

I have the right to charge advertisers for endorsements, or to provide endorsements free of charge if I wish. And I have. In the years following the pandemic, I featured local small businesses on my show free of charge – and gave them attention on social media, urging followers to support businesses that were struggling to recover from government-imposed lockdowns. I also did this in 2020 while still employed as a news reporter at FOX 13 in Seattle, running a weekly segment on my political show called “Small Business Sunday.”

Providing paid endorsements of products is a common practice in broadcasting and has been for decades. Many of our current advertisers were once endorsed on the radio by the late Dori Monson. Several local radio hosts who endorse products on air have also made public statements about their support of current voter initiatives. Ari Hoffman of KVI and John Curley of KIRO Radio not only endorse products but have stood alongside me in support of girls and parents.

If the Public Disclosure Commission were to rule that my speech must be regulated, it would also have to start regulating the speech of dozens of mainstream radio hosts – and perhaps even the Editorial Board of the Seattle Times.

Beyond that, this issue is settled law in Washington.

The Washington State Supreme Court ruled in 2007 that endorsements from talk show hosts do not constitute in-kind contributions.

At the time, radio hosts John Carlson and Kirby Wilbur were organizing and promoting Initiative 912, aimed at stopping an incremental increase in the gas tax.

'The mere fact that a broadcast has value to a campaign, or includes solicitation of funds, votes, or other support, does not convert commentary into advertising when it occurs during the content portion of a broadcast for which payment is not normally required,' Justice Barbara Madsen wrote for the court.

But again, the point of the complaint is not to upend existing law or get the government to throw the First Amendment to the wind.

The progressive political strategists behind the stunt, Powerhouse Strategic, is the firm used by opponents of the Let’s Go Washington initiatives.

Few news outlets that covered Tuesday’s press release saw fit to mention this connection. Why? It’s not as if it’s a secret. Kristin Hyde, a communications specialist with Powerhouse Strategic, sent the release out with her name and contact information on it.

Powerhouse not only brought previous PDC complaints against Let’s Go Washington, but it also represents the Washington State Democratic Party, as well as two of the largest unions bankrolling the anti-initiative campaigns: SEIU and the Washington Education Association.

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Still, The Seattle Times characterized Washingtonians for Ethical Government (WFEG) only as a “campaign finance watchdog.”

Even if it were a legitimate watchdog group and not a cover for deeply partisan operatives, in the past 10 years it’s only ever questioned the “ethics” of conservatives.

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In case there was any doubt, I fully intend to continue my work fighting for what I truly believe is the women’s rights issue of our generation: the erasure of girls at the hands of ideologues.

After all, I was fighting this issue long before Let’s Go Washington decided to run initiatives to change state law. In fact, it was through episodes of unDivided that LGW met two of the teen athletes – Ahnaleigh Wilson and Frances Staudt – who would go on to become important voices in the campaign to protect female athletes. I like to think our coverage of the issue is a big reason why voters will get a say in November. I am very proud of that.

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Me with Frances Staudt (left) and Ahnaleigh Wilson (right) at a signature gathering event in Issaquah, Washington.

I will also keep fighting for parental rights, as I was before LGW started collecting signatures for a parental bill of rights. My advocacy on this issue goes back to 2023, when I helped a rag-tag group of citizens collect signatures to try to run a referendum on Senate Bill 5599. The law allows children to be hidden from parents if they don’t think their family approves of their gender identity. I was protested, threatened, and called a transphobe. All the usual stuff. The referendum fell short, but my motivation to help parents keep their families together only grew.

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Protesters greet us outside a coffee shop in Lacey, Washington, where we were collecting signatures to repeal SB 5599.

As I said on my show this week: They can try to bankrupt my business. They can try to destroy my reputation. They can even try to kill me. None of it puts them on the right side of history.

So, we fight on. What other choice is there?

 

 

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The Constitution Wars start NOW!
In response to Governor Bob Ferguson auctioning off a signed copy of the Constitution (blasphemy), we're auctioning off our own to the highest bidder! The winner will get a personalized inscription from Brandi, and she will hand deliver it (within 150 miles). All proceeds from the winning bid will go to We Heart Seattle, as selected by unDivided subscribers. Donations are tax deductible. Place your bid here.

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Guest: How to investigate fraud when the media and politicians won't
How a citizen with an art degree uncovered more about potential childcare fraud than the legacy news

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

On the morning of December 28, I settled in with a cup of coffee to catch up on the latest Minnesota fraud news. I’d heard rumblings of the scandal for weeks after County Highway and City Journal published pieces describing the schemes in startling detail.

Earlier that week, independent journalist Nick Shirley released a viral video investigating Minneapolis daycare centers, focusing on several owned and operated by members of the Somali community. His videos weren’t definitive proof of fraud, but like many Americans I was left with questions that were too big to ignore.

So, what was I going to do about it?

I’ve always had a knack for pattern recognition and making sense of data. I fully admit I’m not professionally trained in this capacity. I have an art degree. I’m just a concerned citizen who wanted to take a closer look at how our tax dollars are being spent.

Here’s how I went about uncovering suspicious activity that was later highlighted by Elon Musk, viewed by millions of people, and led to on-the-ground investigations by independent journalists (and even some legacy news stations in Seattle). 

It started with a simple search

My initial efforts were not sophisticated. I simply typed ‘childcare wa’ into a search engine. I never anticipated that such a basic exercise in sleuthing would spark the local and national attention that it did.

I landed on the state website for the Department of Children, Youth, and Families (DCYF). Among other things, the site serves as a tool for families to find childcare options. It lists every provider in the state, with information on the owner, address, capacity, inspection history, and language.

I toggled the filter to show daycares participating in the Early Achievers rating program, which is a requirement for receiving state funding. From there, I filtered results to show only the daycare operators listed as speaking Somali.

Is it racist to single out one ethnicity?

The Minnesota fraud scandal had already established a clear pattern of fraud within the Somali community, resulting in multiple prosecutions and guilty pleas.

It’s not racist to explore whether similar patterns might exist in other states, too.

Consider this excerpt from Armin Rosen’s County Highway piece:

If one chooses to inhabit a fact-based world, it is impossible to ignore that the most thoroughly proven frauds, the ones that have dollar amounts and dozens of federal prosecutions attached to them, involve the distribution of social services through organizations serving Somali-Americans.

In a City Journal article, Christopher Rufo highlighted a whistleblower who reported that the Minneapolis Somali fraud ring may have a potential link to Seattle.

According to Glenn Kerns, a retired Seattle Police Department detective who spent 14 years on a federal Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF), the Somalis ran a sophisticated money network, spanning from Seattle to Minneapolis, and were routing significant amounts of cash on commercial flights from the Seattle airport to the hawala networks in Somalia. One of these networks, Kerns discovered, sent $20 million abroad in a single year. 'The amount of money was staggering,' Kerns said.

Ignoring evidence and patterns over concerns about being called racist is how fraud goes unreported and uncovered.

In my initial search of Somali-run daycares in Washington state, I found that of 5,046 total Early Achievers childcare providers, 539 were Somali speaking. That’s more than 10%. Census reports estimate less than .2% of Washington state’s population is of Somali descent.

That seemed oddly disproportionate, so I posted a scrolling video on X to show what I found.

Hours later, I casually checked my notifications while at the grocery store and saw that Elon Musk replied! Millions of people were suddenly interested in what I’d uncovered with a simple search of publicly available data.

 

Day 1: Investigating on the ground

The day after my X post went viral, independent journalist Jonathan Choe pulled up to my house. We spent the next four hours driving all over town investigating daycares in person. I’d never done anything like it.

While state leaders, including Washington’s Attorney General and several Democrats in the legislature, would later accuse us of harassing daycare owners, we did no such thing. We were friendly. We knocked on doors. We politely asked for an application to enroll a child. Many of the people who came to the door were friendly in return.

At the first daycare, a woman invited us inside for a tour. There were activity tables with child-sized chairs, nap mats neatly stacked, art on the walls, age-appropriate books arranged on a shelf.

While everything looked legitimate, the woman would not give us an application, and I noted that only one child was present at the time.

As we ventured to other locations, we encountered some obvious red flags. Windows fully covered, no signage, and very few outdoor play areas. Most of the people who answered the door told us the owner was not there. They asked us to come back another time. Most significantly, we rarely saw or heard any kids.

At the last spot a woman spoke to us through a doorbell camera.

“We don’t have childcare,” she said.

The windows were fully covered.

 

Day 2: Trouble with the police

On our second day visiting Somali-run daycares listed on the state website, we met up with local journalist Carleen Johnson of The Center Square.

At one site, a woman spoke to us from behind a closed door. She wasn’t willing to give us an application. We asked a few more brief questions, thanked her, and started walking away. Shortly after, two women came out of the house to scold us.

Someone had called the police.

A responding officer assured us that we were not trespassing or doing anything wrong. The women allowed him to look inside the home, and he confirmed that there were kids inside.

The hostility was surprising. By then, a local KOMO News reporter was doing similar work – knocking on doors and asking questions. Basic shoe-leather journalism. Not harassment. Not racism.

We continued throughout the city. Some of the places we visited looked like real daycares, but many did not.

We detailed our findings on social media.

 

Day 3: Where has all the money gone?

We began looking deeper into the publicly available spending data on the Washington State Fiscal Information website. This site, also known as Open Checkbook, discloses provider payments by month and fiscal year. Our third day was focused on visits to providers that received significant amounts of funding.

Another independent journalist, Cam Higby, was with us as well.

Many of these small home daycares were receiving hundreds of thousands of dollars in taxpayer funds each year – some got more than a million. Keep in mind that most of these daycares have a maximum capacity of 12 children.

At one address we visited, a man spoke to us from a porch camera. He told us it was not a daycare.

Another alleged daycare was listed at the address of a small, run-down house. The windows were covered. We didn’t see or hear any children. Besides a tattered basketball hoop sitting in a mud puddle at the edge of the property, there was no play equipment. The woman who answered the door was friendly but declined to provide us with any information or an application.

Our team asked two neighbors if they had seen kids at the house and if they were aware it was registered as a daycare.

Both neighbors said no.

Yet, according to state data, the childcare provider listed at that address receives six-figure monthly payments, bringing in over $160,000 in July alone.

As I expanded my research, I checked out the state’s most recent audit. The Washington State Auditor’s Office reviews federal funding annually. Findings are published in a formal report, with highlights summarized on the auditor’s website. The 2024 fiscal year audit exposed significant concerns, including a whopping $416 million dollars in “unauditable” DCYF spending.

The audit revealed that DCYF repeatedly failed to comply with reporting requirements and had more audit “findings” than any other agency.

Despite being given corrective actions to take, similar findings have plagued DCYF for years.

“For the fourth year in a row, we are questioning all childcare payments from the Child Care and Development Fund at the Department of Children, Youth, and Families,” the Auditor’s Office stated.

Read that again. The auditor’s office has questioned ALL federal childcare payments to DCYF for the past four years. Hundreds of millions of dollars in questionable payments.

How is such a blatant failure to follow reporting requirements or enact corrective action even allowed?

I posted a thread summarizing the audit findings on X. Before long, other news outlets and political figures were amplifying what I found.

The strange thing is that the audit findings were never private or hard to uncover. They were right there on a government website for all to see, for years. Why did it take a citizen with an art degree in Washington state to shed light on them?

Knowledge is power, but what comes next?

I want to be clear that I am not alleging fraud at any of these daycares. I do not have the tools or authority to do so. But we, as citizens, do have the tools to spot concerning patterns and question government oversight of our money.

Thanks to social media, we can amplify our concerns so that officials who do have the tools and authority to investigate can be pressured to do so.

State officials have seemingly ignored these red flags for years. Our questions and concerns are fair. We are not racists for recognizing patterns and asking questions.

Our elected officials owe us transparency – and if the media won’t demand it, we should.

About the author: Kristen Magnuson is a Washington state resident and citizen sleuth who helped uncover a troubling pattern with childcare payments in Washington state that mimicked alleged fraud in Minnesota. Follow her work on X at @KristenMag.

 

 

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